The Human Consciousness Now...Our World in the Midst of Becoming...to What? Observe, contemplate Now.
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 11 2025 (IPS) - Since early June, Afghan refugees in Iran have endured increasingly harsh humanitarian conditions, with many being forced to repatriate under conditions that violate the principles of international humanitarian law. In 2025 alone, over one million refugees have returned to Afghanistan, further stretching the limited supply of resources amid a severe and multifaceted humanitarian crisis.
As of 2025, it is estimated that Iran is home to approximately 4 million Afghan refugees and migrants, with many having lived there for decades. Iran’s capital, Tehran, hosts a significant portion of the nation’s undocumented Afghan refugees and in 2023, announced plans to expel them.
The most recent movement by Afghan refugees was triggered when, on June 13, Israel launched a series of airstrikes on military and nuclear facilities in Iran. Tehran was hit particularly hard and its population of highly vulnerable Afghan refugees began to flee toward Afghanistan. According to figures from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), daily returns of Afghan refugees spiked after these attacks, averaging roughly 5,000 arrivals per day. On July 1, Afghanistan saw its highest daily number of arrivals, with approximately 43,000 returnees recorded.
“Many are returning to a country they barely know, forced out of Iran after decades of living there,” said Arafat Jamal, UNHCR’s Representative in Afghanistan. “The recent Israel-Iran war accelerated their return, pushing numbers to a record high, while deep funding cuts have made humanitarian aid operations increasingly challenging.”
Additionally, movement toward Afghanistan was accelerated following Tehran’s imposition of a July 6 deadline for all undocumented Afghan refugees to leave Iran. Additional figures from UNHCR show over 640,000 Afghan refugees having returned since March 20, with over 366,000 of them having been deported.
According to the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), the sharp increase in deportations of Afghan refugees can be attributed to the rise of political tensions and “anti-Afghan sentiment” in Iran. Humanitarian experts have expressed concern that there is a severe protection crisis along the Afghanistan-Iran border, with many of these returns being facilitated under hostile or involuntary circumstances.
Sahar, an Afghan widow and mother of five who resided in Iran for over a decade, spoke to Zan Times, an Afghan news agency, about the conditions that her family faced when they were being deported. “I didn’t even get to pack [my children’s] clothes. [The Iranian authorities] came in the middle of the night. I begged them to give me just two days to collect my things. But they didn’t listen. They threw us out like garbage,” she said.
“Iran is casting out entire communities—men, women, and children—based on prejudice and politics, to a country where their lives and most basic rights are under immediate threat,” said Esfandiar Aban, a senior researcher at the Center for Human Rights in Iran (CHRI). “These deportations are an egregious violation of international law. All migrants and refugees, regardless of documentation status, have the right to due process and protection against forced return to danger.”
Alongside hundreds of deportation cases, Afghan refugees have reported facing harassment, discrimination, and pressure to return to Afghanistan. According to figures from UN Women, roughly 53 percent of a sample size of 119,417 Afghan refugees studied in June reported their main reason for leaving Iran was due to feeling unsafe.
In a statement shared to X (formerly known as Twitter), the United Nations (UN) Special Rapporteur on Afghanistan Richard Bennett reports that hundreds of Afghan refugees and other ethnic minorities in Iran were arrested and accused of espionage. Bennett also underscores the “dehumanizing” language used in Iranian media to incite discrimination and violence toward Afghan refugees.
Additionally, there have been numerous reports of Afghan refugees being exposed to a variety of abuses during the repatriation process, including arrests, violence, and harassment. Saeid Dehgan, an Iranian human rights lawyer and director of the Parsi Law Collective, informed reporters that, “given the scale, violence, and systemic nature of these deportations — particularly if combined with beatings, property confiscation, and arbitrary detention — there may be grounds to consider them as potential crimes against humanity.”
There is a severe shortage of access to basic services and humanitarian aid for the majority of these refugees, making living conditions across the border particularly dire.” Said Jamal. “Afghan families are being uprooted once again, arriving with scant belongings, exhausted, hungry, scared about what awaits them in a country many of them have never even set foot in.”
Food, water, shelter, protection, and healthcare services are scarce and there is not enough staff to sustainably support aid operations. The current supply of funding is dwindling at a rapid rate while thousands of Afghan refugees come in on a daily basis. UNHCR estimates that unless additional funding is secured soon, they will only be able to continue operations for a few more weeks.
According to CHRI, the forced return of refugees to Afghanistan constitutes violations of the non-refoulement principle, which prohibits a government from exposing peoples to “torture, persecution, or serious human rights violations.”
Currently, Afghanistan is in the midst of a dire humanitarian crisis, marked by the oppressive rule of the Taliban regime. Women’s rights are severely restricted, with the vast majority unable to hold jobs, move freely, pursue education, and represent themselves in governmental affairs. Additionally, the country faces numerous security concerns as well as rampant poverty.
“For most Afghans, deportation is not a return home—it is a descent into crisis, into a country ravaged by war and repression,” Aban said. “For Afghan women and girls, it’s even worse. They are being sent back to a regime that has erased them from public life. This is not just a deportation—this is a death sentence for their freedom, their education, their futures.”
IPS UN Bureau Report
SRINAGAR & BONN, Jul 11 2025 (IPS) - This 62nd meeting of the Subsidiary Bodies (SB62) from June 16 to 26, 2025 revealed the persistent complexities and political tensions that continue to challenge multilateral climate governance.
The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) convened its 62nd meeting of the Subsidiary Bodies (SB62) from June 16 to 26, 2025 – a critical juncture in the global climate negotiation process ahead of the 30th Conference of the Parties (COP30) set for November in Belém, Brazil.
Often referred to as a “mini-COP”, SB62 serves as a mid-year platform where negotiators and technical experts advance discussions on implementing the Paris Agreement and lay the groundwork for decisions at the COP.
While some progress was made on adaptation and procedural issues, key areas such as climate finance, technology, and scientific assessments remained contentious. Interviews with climate experts Jennifer Chow of the Environmental Defence Fund and Meredith Ryder-Rude shed light on systemic challenges within the UNFCCC process and offered insights into pathways for more effective climate action.
Jennifer Chow of the Environmental Defense Fund
Deadlock That Foreshadowed the Tense and Fractious Atmosphere
The Bonn conference brought together government delegations, UN agencies, intergovernmental organisations, Indigenous and youth representatives, and civil society observers. The Subsidiary Body for Implementation (SBI) focused on operational matters including finance, capacity-building, and gender equality, while the Subsidiary Body for Scientific and Technological Advice (SBSTA) addressed scientific guidance and technical issues such as carbon markets under Article 6 of the Paris Agreement.
Brazil, as COP30 host, fielded the largest delegation with 173 provisional attendees, signalling its intent to influence the upcoming COP agenda. The Brazilian COP presidency outlined three priorities: reinforcing multilateralism, connecting climate regime outcomes with people’s everyday lives, and accelerating Paris Agreement implementation through institutional reforms.
Yet the meeting’s opening was marked by a two-day delay in adopting the agenda, largely due to disagreements over including discussions on developed countries’ finance obligations under Article 9.1 of the Paris Agreement. This early procedural deadlock foreshadowed the tense and fractious atmosphere permeating the conference.
How Scientific Discussions Remained Politically Sensitive
Adaptation emerged as a focal point, with negotiators agreeing on a refined list of global adaptation indicators, including measures related to access to financing — a key demand from developing countries. Steps were also taken toward transitioning the Adaptation Fund to operate exclusively under the Paris Agreement framework and clarifying loss and damage reporting procedures.
Nonetheless, the broader finance discussions exposed deep divides. The collective quantified goal (NCQG) of USD 300 billion, established at COP29 in Baku, continues to be a source of dissatisfaction, especially among developing nations seeking more predictable and adequate funding. These finance issues cut across multiple agenda items, influencing adaptation, transparency, and just transition talks.
Scientific discussions remained politically sensitive. Although the parties agreed to “take note” of recent scientific reports from the World Meteorological Organisation, stronger language expressing concern about current warming trends was blocked by some countries. This reflected ongoing sensitivity around acknowledging the Paris Agreement’s 1.5°C temperature limit.
Streamlining, Trust, and Effective Finance Delivery
In an exclusive interview with Inter Press Service, Jennifer Chow, Senior Director for Climate-Resilient Food Systems at the Environmental Defense Fund, highlighted structural challenges impeding UNFCCC efficiency and effectiveness:
“As is true for other multilateral processes, it is nearly impossible to address a growing list of issues efficiently without a concerted effort to prioritise, simplify approaches, and partner with others who may not require budgetary support. I think this is more pertinent to focus on than funding fluctuations.”
Chow claimed that the proliferation of agenda items and ballooning delegation sizes have complicated negotiations. “There are too many agenda items—and delegations have ballooned as a result. The secretariat and bureau could closely examine the COP, CMA, and SB agendas, propose streamlining, and develop a list of agenda items to sunset over the next two years, as some issues may no longer require negotiation. In some areas, constituted bodies can take up the work. Closing agenda items does not have to equal a lack of ambition.”
She also pointed to the trust deficit within the process.
“We can focus on giving more time for areas of convergence and less ‘unlimited’ time on issues where there is no consensus. Additionally, we need to give more leadership roles to Small Island Developing States (SIDS) and Least Developed Countries (LDCs). We have conflated progress review and rule-making, and renegotiating matters that were already agreed upon can erode trust.”
On countries’ climate plans, Chow stressed the need to prioritise implementation. “A plan is a plan. Evidence of implementation and progress towards 2030 commitments should be highlighted just as much as new 2035 commitments. Let’s not lose sight of the critical decade and sprint to 2030. Stronger implementation now will result in more ambitious plans later.”
Environmental Defense Fund’s expert Meredith Ryder-Rude
Meredith Ryder-Rude, also from the Environmental Defense Fund, shed light on the reasons behind stalled adaptation finance negotiations and the challenges of ensuring funds reach vulnerable communities.
“The recent negotiations stalled because the sticking point has historically been disagreement over which funding sources can be ‘counted’ towards adaptation finance goals. There is no disagreement over the urgent need for dramatically higher adaptation finance, but political and ideological differences remain over what types of funding from developed countries are truly delivering adaptation outcomes.”
She explained the complexity of adaptation finance integration.
“Guidance directs countries to mainstream adaptation in development, economic, and financial planning. Given distrust between parties and the severe impacts and costs involved, finding middle ground is difficult. Developed country budgets are tight, and those controlling funds are often not closely involved in climate discussions or understanding of multilateral climate funds, creating a big gap to bridge.”
On improving the effectiveness of finance delivery, Ryder-Rude highlighted the importance of capacity building in recipient countries. “One of the most critical ways to ensure climate finance reaches vulnerable communities effectively is increasing absorptive and financial management capacity at the local level. Funding levels have remained largely static for decades. We focus much on unlocking more funding—the supply side—but more attention is needed on the demand side.”
She pointed to promising models emerging from developing countries. “National-level organisations serve as aggregators managing multimillion-dollar grants from multilaterals and disbursing smaller grants to local community groups. They mentor these groups to increase independence and ability to manage larger sums over time. Eventually, local organisations can manage funding directly with donors. We need more small grant programmes, more national aggregators familiar with local contexts, and generally more trusting, flexible financing—especially for adaptation.”
Empowering most vulnerable remains critical to the UNFCCC’s future effectiveness
Meanwhile, with the world approaching the COP30 in Belém, Brazil, the outcomes of SB62 reveal both the urgency and difficulty of advancing ambitious climate action. Key issues expected to dominate the COP agenda include operationalising the new collective quantified goal for climate finance, finalising rules for carbon markets under Article 6, and translating adaptation frameworks into real-world support.
Countries were expected to submit updated Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) aligned with the 1.5°C target; however, nearly 95 percent missed the informal February 2025 deadline, raising concerns about political will and transparency.
Brazil’s presidency faces scrutiny over inclusiveness and transparency, especially regarding its proposed Circle of Finance Ministers tasked with developing a new climate finance roadmap. Questions about Belém’s capacity to host an effective COP add another layer of complexity.
Geopolitical challenges—including the notable absence of a formal U.S. delegation due to previous administration policies—further underscore the fragility of global climate leadership. In this context, rebuilding trust, streamlining negotiating processes, and empowering the most vulnerable remain critical to the UNFCCC’s future effectiveness.
IPS UN Bureau Report
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 11 2025 (IPS) - Global investments in energy exceeded USD 3 trillion in 2024, with at least USD 2 trillion being invested in clean energy technology and infrastructure. Infrastructure. Despite that progress, fossil fuel consumption continues to rise with little sign of slowing.
China led in energy transitions investments, accounting for 48 percent, followed by the United States (17 percent), Germany (5 percent), the United Kingdom (4 percent), and France (3 percent). These investments have opened the doors to green technologies like solar panels, electric vehicles, and battery storage, at an affordable rate. However, these advancements have been confined to high-income countries. Emerging markets and least developed countries (LDCs), excluding China, remain dependent on coal and fossil fuels to meet their energy needs.
The crossroads of the Asia-Pacific
The Asia and Pacific region has faced the greatest challenge in its transition away from fossil fuels towards renewable energy. In 2023, the Asia-Pacific region accounted for 47 percent of global energy demand, with China, India, Korea, Japan, and Indonesia making up most of this share.
Consider that China occupies a unique position in that it contributes to energy transition as the largest investor in clean energy, while also being the most coal-reliant nation as a major producer and consumer. In perspective, investment in clean energy per capita globally it is at 131 dollars, while Asia and the Pacific is at 115 dollars. However, when excluding China and other high-income countries, that number drops to just 18 dollars a person.
The gaps in investment come heavily from the ten LDCs in the region. Together, these nations account for 1.4 percent of global energy transition investments from 2020 to 2023. However, at COP29, these countries announced plans aimed at increasing their renewable energy capacity from 20 gigawatts (GW) in 2023 to 58 GW by 2030, a 290 percent jump. Meanwhile in South-east Asia, the energy demand is expected to grow to 25 percent between 2024 and 2035, and it is estimated that by 2050 their energy demand may overtake the European Union.
The coal paradox
In 2023, the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP) reported that 81 percent of new renewable energy sources were offering cheaper alternatives to fossil fuels. Even with this margin of difference, coal continues to dominate the Asia-Pacific region without slowing down. In 2023, the Asia-Pacific region generated 45 percent of its energy from coal, which was more than any other region, using the most carbon intensive resource available. The region holds 79 percent of the world’s operating coal plants, generating 1.69 terawatts (TW) of the global 2.13 TW of coal powered energy.
To add to the coal fire, 96 percent of all planned coal capacity, or 553 GW out of 578 GW are solely in the Asia-Pacific. Of that percentage, China accounts for 53 percent of the current capacity, and 71 percent of the future capacity. India, Indonesia and Bangladesh make up the rest of the energy demand for coal. Coal is not just energy, it is money.
Three of the world’s top exporters of coal — Indonesia, Australia, and Mongolia — are in the Asia-Pacific. Indonesia is the largest exporter of coal globally, with China and India as its largest clients. Australia follows closely behind, exporting over USD 91 billion worth of coal during 2023 through 2024, and its coal mining industry employing 50,000 workers. In Mongolia, coal briquettes were their top export, amassing USD 8.43 billion in wealth.
Coal for these countries represents a vital economic tool, one which will make the transition ever more difficult.
Existing solutions
To turn around this deficit and make the world greener, we already have this technology. We have battery storage, nuclear power, low-carbon hydrogen, and even limited carbon capture technologies. The challenge is implementing these technologies and scaling them at a level which produces tangible results.
Without these shifts in investment and policy, the Asia-Pacific region risks global progress towards energy security, economic stability, and SDG compliance. Leaving many left behind, and in the stifling warm air.
To align with global net-zero carbon emission targets and SDG7, which calls for access to affordable and sustainable energy for all, the annual investment in energy must increase to between USD 2.2 and 2.4 trillion by 2030. At least 90 percent of this investment needs to be focused on clean energy.
A dangerous future
Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh, India. Credit: Unsplash/Sarvesh Phansalkar
Despite the urgency of this matter, coal demand among ASEAN economies is projected to rise 5% annually, moving from 491 million metric tons in 2024 to 567 million metric tons by 2027.
This continued reliance on coal as a primary energy will only make energy diversification harder and more expensive. The time to change these outlooks is now, before diversification becomes too difficult. In consequence of these actions, some of the most polluted cities in the world, such as Delhi (India), Dhaka (Bangladesh), Lahore (Pakistan), and Hotan (China), have reported air pollution levels 10 to 20 times higher than what the World Health Organization (WHO) identifies as safe limits. Simply breathing air in these cities can pose a significant health risk, and yet millions do it.
The International Energy Agency Director Faith Birol warns: “Today’s energy world is moving fast, but there is a major risk of many countries around the world being left behind.”
An eye on the Asia-Pacific region
The Asia-Pacific region hosts two-thirds of the global population and account for 46 percent of the world’s GDP exists in the Asia-Pacific. This means that this region is crucial to achieving progress towards SDGs, and without their help, completion is near to impossible.
“Nowhere is this challenge – and opportunity – more urgent than in Asia and the Pacific,” said Armida Salsiah Alisjahbana, United Nations Under-Secretary-General and Executive Secretary of ESCAP. She added, “This is our chance to build a more resilient, equitable and sustainable economy for all. We aim to foster solutions that are regionally grounded, technically sound and financially viable. Unless Asia and the Pacific can lead boldly, the global transition will fall short of expectations.”
IPS UN Bureau Report
NEW YORK / GENEVA, Jul 11 2025 (IPS) - The United Nations Human Rights Council (HRC) has expressed concern at the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights’ announcement that certain activities mandated by the council cannot be delivered due to a lack of funding. The council has sought clarity on why certain activities had been singled out.
Among the activities the commissioner says can’t be delivered is the commission of inquiry on grave abuses in Eastern Congo, an important initiative created—at least on paper—at an emergency session of the HRC in February in response to an appeal by Congolese, regional, and international rights groups.
The establishment of the commission offered a glimmer of hope in the face of grave and ongoing atrocities in the region, and it was hoped it might be an important step toward ending the cycle of abuse and impunity and delivering justice and reparations for victims and survivors.
It is not only the activities highlighted by the commissioner that are impacted by the funding crisis, however. Virtually all the HRC’s work has been affected, with investigations into rights abuses—for example in Sudan, Palestine, and Ukraine—reportedly operating at approximately 30-60 percent of capacity.
In discussions about the proposed cuts, several states—notably those credibly accused of rights abuses—have sought to use the financial crisis as cover to attack the council’s country-focused investigative mandates or undermine the Office of the High Commissioner’s broader work and independence. For example, Eritrea invoked the crisis in its ultimately unsuccessful effort to end council scrutiny of its own dismal rights record.
Amid discussions on the current crisis, there has been little reflection among states on how the UN got into this mess. States failing to pay their membership contributions, or failing to pay on time, has compounded the chronic underfunding of the UN’s human rights pillar over decades.
The United States’ failure to pay virtually anything at the moment, followed by China’s late payments, bear the greatest responsibility for the current financial shortfall given their contributions account for nearly half of the UN’s budget.
But they are not alone: 79 countries reportedly still haven’t paid their fees for 2025 (expected in February). Among those that haven’t yet paid this year are Eritrea, Iran, Cuba, Russia, and others that have used the crisis to take aim at the council’s country mandates or to undermine the work or independence of the high commissioner’s office.
Rather than seeking to meddle in the office’s work or reduce the HRC’s scrutiny of crises, states should work with the UN to ensure funds are available for at least partial delivery of all activities they mandate through the council, particularly in emergencies.
Urgent investigations into situations of mass atrocities are key tools for prevention, protection, and supporting access to justice. They cannot wait until the financial crisis blows over.
Lucy McKernan is United Nations Deputy Director, Advocacy, Human Rights Watch (HRW), and Hilary Power is UN Geneva Director, HRW
IPS UN Bureau
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 10 2025 (IPS) - Over the month of June, the security situation in Haiti has taken a considerable turn for the worse, with armed gangs continuing to coordinate brutal attacks, seizing more territory, and obstructing critical humanitarian aid deliveries. In the past week, new waves of hostilities were reported in the nation’s Centre Department, which has elicited concern from humanitarian organizations that gang influence could soon completely overpower state control.
“As gang control expands, the state’s capacity to govern is rapidly shrinking, with social, economic and security implications,” said Ghada Fathi Waly, the Executive Director of the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). “This erosion of state legitimacy has cascading effects,” such as the suspension of legal commerce along critical trade routes and the exacerbation of food insecurity.
Approximately 90 percent of the nation’s capital of Port-Au-Prince is estimated to be under gang control, with widespread cases of abuse and impunity being documented. On July 2, Miroslav Jenča, the Assistant Secretary-General for the Americas at the Department of Political Affairs (DPPA) informed reporters that international commercial flights have been suspended, effectively leaving the capital “paralyzed” and “isolated”.
“Since (January), gangs have only strengthened their foothold, which now affects all communes of the Port-au-Prince metropolitan area and beyond, pushing the situation closer to the brink,” said Jenča. “Without increased action by the international community, the total collapse of state presence in the capital could become a very real scenario.”
On July 7, the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) released its latest situation report detailing the escalation of insecurity across several communes in the Centre Department. According to the report, the security situation in the Lower Plateau had been destabilized following an attack on the Lascahobas commune on July 3, which triggered mass displacement to surrounding areas where resources were already stretched.
According to estimates from OCHA, prior to these attacks, Belladere and Hinche housed 27,000 and 10,000 displaced individuals, respectively. The International Organization for Migration (IOM) reports that following the attacks, roughly 16,250 Haitians, or 4,003 households, were forced to flee from Lascahobas, with 57 percent being displaced to Belladere, 14 percent to Hinche, 8 percent to Savanette, and 18 percent to a neighboring municipality in the West Department.
This attack underscores the drastic escalation of hostilities in previously calm areas. Prior to the attacks on Mirebalais and Sauts-d’Eau in March, the Centre Department had largely been isolated from gang related violence. This is also the case for the southern and eastern regions of Haiti, with the latter reporting numerous cases of gangs exploiting critical crossings used for the movement of goods.
In addition to combating gang activity, the Haitian National Police (HNP) have also struggled to control the emergence of self-defense groups. “While some are motivated by the urgent need to protect their communities, many operate outside existing legal frameworks, in some cases engaging in extrajudicial actions and colluding with gangs,” said Waly.
Despite some of these groups serving as critical lines of defense in numerous regions, many of them participate in extrajudicial actions, many of which violate international humanitarian law and exacerbate regional insecurity.
“Although these groups often serve as the last remaining security mechanisms in many areas, they violate fundamental human rights, including the right to life and right to a fair trial, and simultaneously fuel further violence in the form of retaliatory attacks by gangs,” said Jenča. Over the last three months, these groups reportedly killed at least 100 men, and one woman suspected of gang association or collaboration.” Waly adds that these actions push the national demand for guns, military weapons, and ammunition, fueling the persistence of illicit arms markets and violent crimes.
Additionally, humanitarian organizations have expressed concern over the recent use of drone technology by armed groups to conduct surveillance on their territories and track HNP movement. These tactics were first observed during the March 2024 attacks on two of Haiti’s largest prisons in Port-Au-Prince and Croix des Bouquets. The use of drones in densely populated civilian areas raises concerns about a lack of regulations and operational frameworks.
Furthermore, the UN has underscored the persistence of human rights violations, particularly rates of human trafficking. Over the past three months, the United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti (BINUH) recorded a significant increase in rates of sexual violence, which has been bolstered by a lack of reporting, continued social stigma, and a fear of reprisals. Additionally, BINUH has reported cases of illegal organ removal.
According to a UN spokesperson, the current humanitarian situation in Haiti is particularly alarming due to the Haitian government’s lack of action in addressing the structural gaps that allowed gang violence to prosper.
“While the expansion of territorial control brings gangs additional sources of revenue and bargaining power, these attacks are also backed by individuals trying to destabilize the political transition for their own political goals,” UN experts said on the way that gangs have exploited the disorganized response to the security crisis.
To bring lasting change in Haiti, it is imperative for the international community to scale up responses, particularly to assist the relatively weak national police and the multinational force. Furthermore, it is crucial for Haiti to establish harsher regulations for the importation of weapons.
IPS UN Bureau Report
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 10 2025 (IPS) - UNAIDS called the funding crisis a ticking time bomb, saying the impact of the US cuts to the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) could result in 4 million unnecessary AIDS-related deaths by 2029.
A historic withdrawal of global HIV/AIDS funding threatens to derail decades of hard-won progress in the fight against AIDS, according to UNAIDS’ annual report, entitled Aids, Crisis and the Power to Transform. This funding shortage – caused by sudden and massive cuts from international donors – is already dismantling frontline services, disrupting lifesaving treatments for millions and endangering countless lives in the world’s most vulnerable communities.
“This is not just a funding gap—it’s a ticking time bomb,” said UNAIDS Executive Director Winnie Byanyima.
Despite major strides in 2024, including a decrease in new HIV infections by 40 percent and a decrease in AIDS-related deaths by 56% since 2010, the onset of restricted international assistance, which makes up 80 percent of prevention in low- and middle-income countries, could have disastrous effects. The report, mostly researched at the end of 2024, concluded that the end of AIDS as a public health threat by 2030 was in sight.
However, in early 2025 the United States government announced “shifting foreign assistance strategies,” causing them to withdraw aid from organizations like the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), which had earlier promised 4.3 billion USD in 2025. PEPFAR is one of the primary HIV testing and treatment services in countries most affected. Such a drastic decision could have ripple effects, including pushing other major donor countries to revoke their aid. The report projected that if international funding permanently disappears, they expect an additional 6 million HIV infections and 4 million AIDS-related deaths by 2029.
At a Press Briefing, Assistant Secretary-General for UNAIDS Angeli Achrekar noted the importance of PEPFAR since its inception in 2003, calling it one of the most successful public health endeavors. She expressed hope that as the US lessens its support, other organizations and countries are able to take up the global promise of ending AIDS without eroding the gains already made.
Achrekar noted “acute shifts” in a weakening of commitment from countries less directly affected by HIV/AIDS since the US has pulled funding.
UNAIDS also reports a rising number of countries criminalizing populations most at risk of HIV – raising stigma and worsening gender-based violence and non-consensual sex, two of the highest HIV risk-enhancing behaviors. The report showed the primary groups who lacked care were child HIV infections and young women, which is likely related to government campaigns “attacking HIV-related human rights, including for public health, with girls, women and people from key populations.”
These punitive laws include criminalization or prosecution based on general criminal laws of HIV exposure, criminalization of sex work, transgender people and same-sex sexual activity and possession of small amounts of drugs. These laws have been on the rise for the past few years, and in conjunction with limited funding, the results for HIV/AIDS-positive patients could be fatal.
Recently, scientific breakthroughs have been made regarding long-acting medicine to prevent HIV infection. Health workers have seen tremendous success, both with new technologies like annual injections and the potential for more growth in the form of monthly preventative tablets and in old prevention techniques like condom procurement and distribution and access to clean, safe needles for drug users. However, due to various global conflicts and wars, supply chains have been disrupted, often harming countries not in the thick of the altercation but reliant on products like PrEP, an HIV prevention medication.
Although many countries most afflicted with the AIDS crisis have stepped up, promising more national funding for the issue, and many community networks have doubled down on their efforts, the disruption of supply chains and the lack of international frontline health workers cannot be solved overnight. To entirely restructure how healthcare is provided takes time – something those with HIV do not always have.
Areas like sub-Saharan Africa, which in 2024 housed half of the 9.2 million people not receiving HIV treatment, have been particularly affected by the recent changes. The majority of child infections still occur there, and combinations of “debt distress, slow economic growth and underperforming tax systems” provide countries in sub-Saharan Africa with limited fiscal room to increase domestic funding for HIV.
Despite the loss of funding, significant progress has been made to protect essential HIV treatment gains. South Africa currently funds 77% of its AIDS response, and its 2025 budget review includes a 3.3% annual increase for HIV and tuberculosis programs over the next three years. As of December 2024, seven countries in sub-Saharan Africa have achieved the 95-95-95 targets established by UNAIDS: 95% of people living with HIV know their status, 95% of those are on treatment, and 95% of those on treatment are virally suppressed. UNAIDS emphasized the importance of this being scaled up to a global level.
Achrekar observed, referring to countries whose domestic funds towards AIDS have increased, that “prevention is the last thing that is prioritized, but we will never be able to turn off the tap of the new infections without focusing on prevention as well.”
She reiterated the importance of countries most affected by the HIV/AIDS crisis establishing self-sustaining health practices to ensure longevity in both prevention and treatment.
Achrekar praised the global South for their work in taking ownership of treatment while still calling upon the rest of the world to join.
She said, “The HIV response was forged in crisis, and it was built to be resilient. We need, and are calling for, global solidarity once again, to rebuild a nationally owned and led, sustainable and inclusive multi-sectoral HIV response.”
IPS UN Bureau Report
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 10 2025 (IPS) - Once landlocked, now connected, the UN Global Compact has bridged the gap between Europe, Asia, and the Middle East: having many call it the “New Silk Road”.
On June 22nd, the UN Global Compact launched their Central Asia Network to drive SDG progress, connecting more than 140 participant companies to the world’s largest corporate sustainability initiative. This initiative will offer the tools and resources necessary to drive business practices which are sustainable and in line with the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).
Kazakhstan will serve as the initiative’s multi-country office connecting Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan. Previously operating separately in silos, these five nations will now be part of a unified platform integrating a green economic strategy and promoting regional development.
“By launching a Country Network here, we are anchoring responsible investment and sustainability into this dynamic corridor, “ said Sanda Ojiambo, CEO and Executive Director of the UN Global Compact. “We are harnessing the region’s untapped private-sector potential to drive green growth, improve transparency and foster social cohesion.”
This region holds immense capabilities. As sixty percent of people in the region are under age thirty, this offers a powerful human capital to support a new generation of job creation, infrastructure development, and supply chain capabilities.
The Belt and Road Initiative: a new ally
In 2023, The UN Global Compact and China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) formalized a partnership in Beijing, designed to align infrastructure development with long-term sustainability.
As part of this initiative, two tools were introduced:
· Global Compact Ten Principles Applied in Infrastructure Sectors under the BRI: A Practical Guide for Private Sector Players.· Maximizing Impact towards the SDGs: Guidance and Assessment Tool for Companies to Advance Sustainable Infrastructure under the Belt and Road Initiative.
These resources give private sector actors a strategy to not only reach the SGDs, but also further develop infrastructure planning, finance and project implementation, thereby advancing regional connectivity.
The results of this are happening fast. During a summit held in Astana on June 22, President of Xinhua News Agency Fu Hua exchanged a cooperation agreement with Arman Kyrykbayev, Assistant to the President of Kazakhstan, which outlined a collaboration facilitating big data-computing centers, and the creation of a China-Kazakhstan Exchange and Cooperation Center. The new hub will support the facilitation of trade, currency settlement, and cross border intellectual property transactions, reflecting BRI’s vital role in molding a more connected and integrated central Asia. The center is only one of four key regional centers that were launched under the umbrella of China-Central Asia collaboration, with the other three dedicated to poverty reduction, education exchange and desertification control.
In that same week, speaking in Astana, President Xi Jinping of China introduced the “China-Central Asia Spirit,” which he characterized it as a show of “mutual respect, mutual trust, mutual benefit and mutual assistance for the joint pursuit of modernization through high-quality development”. During the summit, Xi, and the leaders of five Central Asian countries signed the treaty of permanent good-neighborliness and friendly cooperation, formalizing a shared vision for an expansive future.
The impact of these economic and diplomatic participations has been clear. China-Central Asia trade in 2024 reached 94.8 billion USD, yielding an increase of 5.4 billion dollars from the previous year. In perspective, this volume of trade is the equivalent of Uzbekistan’s entire GDP, a staggering development for a region previously left behind in the world of trade and commerce.
Infrastructure: the rails and ships of now
A port in the Yantian District in Shenzen, China. Credit: Unsplash/Leoon Liang
While policy and values have paved the way, infrastructure is laying the foundation. New railway and freight hubs are rapidly transforming Central Asia from a previously landlocked entity to a vital logistics mega hub.
The China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan railway and the China-Europe Caspian Sea Express are examples of this. These new routes link Central Asia to the Middle East, South Asia, and Europe, expanding its market access exponentially. Chinese cities are opening freight train routes and direct flights to Central Asia, further enhancing supply chains, and making travel ever more efficient.
On June 30, the China-Europe Caspian Sea Express launched, making its multimodal journey to its destination in Baku from Beijing. The journey took approximately fifteen days, cutting travel by more than half. The train was loaded with 104 TEUs (Twenty-foot Equivalent Units), carrying approximately 2,300 tons of export goods, journeying across more than 8,000 kilometers. The corridor will also distribute cargo to Georgia, Türkiye and Serbia, among other regional entities.
The reality of regional cooperation
The transformation of Central Asian supply chains is not theoretical. This is happening in real time, with a new agreement being signed each day. While once fragmented and landlocked, Central Asia is becoming the new bridge between the East and the West: fast tracking expansion globally. Through the coordination of the UN Global Compact, China’s BRI, and regional partnerships, Central Asia has become the new hub for green innovation, sustainable trade, and youth driven economic revitalization.
IPS UN Bureau Report