The Human Consciousness Now...Our World in the Midst of Becoming...to What? Observe, contemplate Now.
UNITED NATIONS, May 12 2025 (IPS) - As discussions on the restructuring of the United Nations– including a possible merger of UN agencies and staff lay-offs system-wide — continue at the highest levels of the Secretariat—the Staff Union (UNSU) is demanding an active presence in the ongoing talks.
A proposed resolution, which is expected to be adopted at the UNSU general meeting on May 14, is very specific in its demands.
The Staff Council:
1. Calls upon the Secretary-General to formally include the United Nations Staff Union (UNSU) as a full participant in all aspects of the UN80 Initiative, including by having designated representatives of the Union in the UN80 Task Force, notably in its Working Group, with a view to ensure staff representation in the deliberation and decision-making processes.
2. Requests that the Staff Union be granted equal consultative status within the Task Force, including its Working Group, alongside other stakeholders, to provide input on matters directly impacting staff welfare, organizational efficiency and institutional reform.
3. Emphasizes that Staff Union involvement in change management process with such a global scale/impact is critical to provide insights into daily operations and identify potential inefficiencies and challenges for improving the effectiveness of the organization.
Noting further that, this would inherently foster ownership, reduce resistance and ensure smooth implementation that would promote a culture of continuous improvement, driving long term success.
4. Emphasizes the precedent of Staff Union involvement in pivotal institutional decisions during extraordinary circumstances, such as the pandemic, and requests this to be acknowledged as a guiding principle for ongoing and future consultations.
5. Recommends that the Secretariat report to the appropriate administrative and advisory bodies on measures taken to implement this resolution, ensuring compliance with existing staff-management consultation frameworks
UN staffers outside the Secretariat building.
Guy Candusso, a former First Vice-President of the UN Staff Union, told IPS there is value to have staff engaged in the early stages of the reform process.
“I have seen that sometimes staff have come up with better ideas than management. However, over the years, staff consultations have been marginalized to be more like information briefings (after the real decisions were made),” he said.
Meanwhile, the Staff Council:
1. Emphasizes that, as a matter of principle, staff members should not be paid less for work performed at the same or higher level than they are currently performing or have previously performed;
2. Calls upon the Office of Human Resources (OHR) to withdraw the Guidelines and revised versions in light of their unjustified and arbitrary measures and the negative impact on staff that they entail;
3. Requests the immediate reinstatement of earlier guidelines and practices whereas heads of entity are given the discretion to award step-upon recruitment, in line with Staff Rule 3.3(b), in a manner commensurate with a candidate or Staff Member’s experience;
4. Urges OHR to consult with and integrate the perspectives of staff members, hiring managers, heads of entity, and Member States prior to issuing or reissuing any further related guidance;
5. Further urges OHR to immediately inform all Secretariat staff members in a clear and concise broadcast, as well as a town hall meeting, explaining the implications of the Guidelines, should they remain in place for any period following the adoption of this resolution, and to communicate expeditiously about further consultation and revision of the Guidelines;
6. Instructs the leadership to share this resolution with the Chef de Cabinet, the Under-Secretaries-General of the Department of Management Strategy, Policy and Compliance and the Department of Operational Support, as well as the Assistant Secretary-General of the Office of Human Resources and all heads of office/departments represented in the Staff Council; and
7. Further instructs the leadership to circulate this resolution via an email broadcast to all members of the United Nations Staff Union.
Asked for a response on an earlier story on Staff Union demands, UN Spokesperson Stephane Dujarric told IPS last week: “We fully understand that the current situation is a cause of concern, and anxiety, for many of our staff.”
“It is important to note that we are in the initial phase of formulating positions and proposals. Consultations have taken place, and they will continue to do so, as the insights of staff are valued and will be carefully considered.”
At the global town hall meeting in March 2025, the Secretary-General emphasized that the UN80 Initiative is a management-led effort. However, he of course committed to consulting with staff representatives through the Staff-Management Committee (SMC) on decisions impacting the staff.
In April, during the annual meeting of the SMC, management briefed the staff representatives on the UN80 Initiative. Also in April, a dedicated UN80 Initiative page was created on iSeek, inviting staff at large to submit ideas via a suggestion box. The responsive was impressive as over 1,400 suggestions have been received. Management will review all of the suggestions, said Dujarric.
A dedicated extraordinary SMC meeting will be held in June to further amplify consultation with staff representatives on the UN80 Initiative, he assured.
Meanwhile the UNSU has also conducted a general survey of its constituents between 11 March and 11 April 2025.
An Executive Summary of the results read:
– A total of 1,271 responses were received, which resulted in a response rate of 15.88 %1 . Overall, the survey has a confidence level of 95% with a margin of error of +/- 2.5%.From a statistical perspective, those results are considered highly representative. It should also be noted that the majority of respondents (85%) were based in New York, with 33% in the General Service, 60% in the professional and 7% in other job categories.
– Due to confidentiality issues, questions requesting individual comments are not included in the attached document. The top key topics affecting the respondents were career development opportunities (58.5%), cost of living in comparison to salaries and other emoluments (54.6%) and job security (47.6%).– Only 31% of respondents believed that there were credible mechanisms to ensure accountability within their departments.
– Budget cuts (87%), organizational restructuring (56,8%) and changes in leadership/priorities (27.6%) were seen as the greatest risks to job security for the — respondents. Only 31.6% of respondents felt secure in their current position.
– Only 25% believed that the hiring process is transparent, or merit based (27%). 62% of respondents did not foresee any possibilities for career progression and 60% did not feel there is enough support for career development and support to staff to transition to new roles.
– Of note, 77% of respondents had primary hybrid working arrangements (mix of on-site and remote), with a majority (61.3%) working two days a week from home.
– The main benefits of telecommuting for the respondents are avoiding telecommuting time and/or costs (79.5%), better work-life balance (78.4%) and improved efficiency and productivity (69.3%).
A majority of respondents (60%) believed that the existing flexible open-plan/hot desking and shared workplace arrangements should not be maintained, and that cubicles or private offices are seen as the main optimal on-site workplace arrangement (42%).
On a positive note, 60% of respondents felt that occupational safety and health measures were adequately addressed in the workplace. However, only 34% of respondents felt that existing mechanisms are effective in addressing discrimination based on race in the workplace, with 28% having observed such incidents.
Furthermore, 45% of respondents believed that the workplace is accessible and inclusive for staff with disabilities.
IPS UN Bureau Report
NEW YORK, May 12 2025 (IPS) - From environmental degradation to biodiversity loss and mounting waste, we are facing the dire consequences of a reckless economic model that extracts, consumes, and discards. But there is an urgent alternative—one that is not just possible, but essential.
The circular economy is more than an environmental fix; it’s a smarter, more resilient strategy for sustainable development. It has the power to revolutionize how we produce, consume, and thrive within the planet’s limits. This could be the most critical economic transformation of our era.
Today, our global economy remains overwhelmingly linear: we extract, consume, and discard. As a result, we generate more than 2 billion tonnes of waste annually, a figure projected to rise to 3.4 billion tonnes by 2050. Meanwhile, resource extraction has tripled since 1970, driving 90% of biodiversity loss, and 55% of all greenhouse gas emissions. It is responsible for 40% of particulate matter health related impacts, driving us to exceed safe planetary boundary limits beyond which current and future generations cannot continue to develop and thrive.
The current system is not only unsustainable but also unraveling the very foundation of development.
Circular economies grow by reducing resource use. They focus on reusing, regenerating, and minimizing waste in all sectors, like agriculture, energy, and consumer goods. This ensures a fair transition to a low-carbon, sustainable future. Switching to a circular model could bring $4.5 trillion in economic benefits by 2030, cut emissions, create stable jobs, and open new green markets.
To realize this future, five interconnected changes must be implemented immediately.
1. Policy leadership to shift the economic paradigm. Governments and partners must enact bold policies and regulations that move markets from linear to circular. For example, by integrating circular economy measures into their national climate plans, or Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), and National Biodiversity Strategies and Action Plans (NBSAPs). NDCs and NBSAPs are sovereign, politically-backed tools that can serve as investment plans – helping not only lower greenhouse gas emissions but also restore and protect ecological systems and drive sustainable development priorities.Other regulatory measures are instruments such as extended producer responsibility (EPR) and standards to ensure that products are durable, repairable, recyclable and safe. In Viet Nam, the Government has integrated circular economy principles into national policies, with the promulgation of a National Action Plan on Circular Economy, the promotion of eco-design as well as EPR mechanisms for electronics, plastics, textiles, and science and technologies for agriculture.
2. Data and metrics to guide decisions. Many countries lack sufficient data needed to advance a circular economy transition. We need better quality data – more robust, complete, and consistent – to track progress, align incentives, and inform policy. With better quality data, we can assess, prioritize, and monitor circular interventions for greater impact. For this, a stronger case needs to be made for a global baseline on material use in line with work led by the International Resource Panel and findings from the Global Environment Outlook.In the Dominican Republic, the Rescate Ozama (“Rescue the Ozama”) project conducted extensive research on plastic pollution in the Ozama River, collecting data on waste types, volumes, and local management practices to support informed decision-making and develop targeted interventions.
3. Incentives that reward circular innovation. Financial systems need to recognize, incentivize, and reward circular business models—from the development of bio-based materials to reverse logistics. Such incentives have a direct impact on the investment and policy decisions made by both public and private sector stakeholders engaged in productive sectors, key to circularity.In Serbia, the ‘Circular Communities’ project, with the support of UNDP, awards grants to innovative ideas that contribute to the development of national and local circular economy strategic frameworks. More than 60 innovative initiatives were supported in the last 3 years, ranging from producing interior design materials from waste glass to involving informal waste pickers in the film industry’s waste management.
4. Infrastructure for circular ecosystems. Continued investment is needed in infrastructure. This includes more convenient reuse, refill and repair logistics, more reliable waste collection and sorting facilities, safer and more effective recycling plants, and renewable energy systems. With this infrastructure, circular systems can become more viable and scalable. Without the physical systems to support reuse, recycling, and regeneration, however, circular principles will remain theory rather than practice.In many developing countries, the lack of infrastructure remains a major barrier, with over 2 billion people without access to basic waste collection. To address such challenges, India’s Plastic Waste Management initiative is developing a replicable model for cities that integrates innovation, social inclusion, and environmental leadership to reduce waste, enhance resource efficiency, and establish closed-loop recycling systems through Material Recovery Facilities.
5. A cultural shift toward regenerative consumption. Citizens must become active agents of change—buying less in contexts of over-consumption and reusing more. This requires not only transparency about a product’s contents but also traceability of where materials are extracted and products are made, under what conditions, and by whom. Studies have identified over 13,000 chemicals associated with plastics, many of which are known to be harmful to human health and the environment. Greater transparency can empower not only policymakers but also consumers to make more informed decisions. Education and awareness are as crucial as infrastructure and investment incentives.These shifts are not abstract ideals: they are already taking root, often led by countries in the Global South demonstrating bold vision and practical solutions. In fact, Indigenous Peoples have implemented circular solutions for millennia, whereby nothing is discarded but instead embraced as raw material for the next cycle of growth and renewal, drawing on lessons from ‘nature’s economy’.
This month, the World Circular Economy Forum 2025 will gather forward-looking thinkers and doers and present the game-changers in the circular economy sphere in São Paulo, Brazil. Not only to reflect on progress and share best practices and experiences but to forge the partnerships that will carry this vision forward. We stand at a crossroads: a throwaway economy on one side, and a circular, inclusive, resilient future on the other. Let us choose wisely. The future is not linear—and neither is the path to a better world.
WCEF2025 is organized jointly by the Finnish Innovation Fund Sitra, FIESP (Federation of Industries of the State of São Paulo), CNI (Brazilian National Industry Confederation) and SENAI-SP (Brazilian National Industrial Learning Service), in close collaboration with international partner organizations, including United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). Free of charge, open to all online.
IPS UN Bureau
Excerpt:
Marcos Neto is UN Assistant Secretary General and Director of UNDP’s Bureau for Policy and Programme Support.
BRUSSELS, Belgium / MONTEVIDEO, Uruguay, May 9 2025 (IPS) - The world’s population is ageing. Global life expectancy has leapt to 73.3 years, up from under 65 in 1995. Around the world, there are now 1.1 billion people aged 60-plus, expected to rise to 1.4 billion by 2030 and 2.1 billion by 2050.
This demographic shift is a triumph, reflecting public health successes, medical advances and better nutrition. But it brings human rights challenges.
Ageism casts older people as burdens, despite the enormous social contribution many older people make through family roles, community service and volunteering. Prejudice fuels widespread human rights violations, including age discrimination, economic exclusion, denial of services, inadequate social security, neglect and violence.
The impacts are particularly brutal for those facing discrimination for other reasons. Older women, LGBTQI+ elders, disabled seniors and older people from other excluded groups suffer compounded vulnerabilities. During conflicts and climate disasters, older people face disproportionate hardships but receive disproportionately little attention or protection.
These challenges aren’t limited to wealthy countries such as Japan, where more than one in 10 people are now aged 80 and over. Global south countries are experiencing population ageing too, and often at a much faster pace than occurred historically in the global north. Many people face the daunting prospect of becoming old in societies with limited infrastructure and social protection systems to support them.
Despite these escalating challenges, no global human rights treaty specifically protects older people. The current international framework is a patchwork that looks increasingly out of step as global demographics shift.
The first significant international breakthrough came in 2015, when the Organization of American States adopted the Inter-American Convention on Protecting the Human Rights of Older Persons. This landmark treaty explicitly recognises older people as rights-bearers and establishes protections against discrimination, neglect and exploitation. It demonstrates how legal frameworks can evolve to address challenges faced by ageing populations, although implementation remains uneven across signatory countries.
Globally, the World Health Organization’s Decade of Healthy Ageing (2021-2030) represents progress in promoting age-friendly environments and responsive healthcare systems. But it’s a voluntary framework without legally enforceable protections. Only a binding treaty can deliver human rights guarantees.
That’s why the UN Human Rights Council’s decision on 3 April to establish an intergovernmental working group to draft a convention on older persons’ rights offers real hope. In the current fractured geopolitical landscape, the resolution’s adoption by consensus is encouraging.
This positive step came as a result of over a decade of dogged advocacy through the Open-ended Working Group on Ageing, established by the UN General Assembly in 2010. Through 14 sessions, states, civil society and national human rights institutions built an overwhelming case for action, culminating in an August 2024 recommendation to develop a treaty. Strategic cross-border campaigning and coalition-building by civil society organisations such as AGE Platform Europe, Amnesty International and HelpAge International were instrumental in advancing the cause.
Now the crucial phase of transforming principles into binding legal protection begins. The Human Rights Council resolution sets out the path forward. The first meeting of the drafting working group is due before the year’s end. Once drafted, the text will advance through the UN system for consideration and adoption. If adopted, this convention will follow in the footsteps of those on the rights of children in 1989 and people with disabilities in 2006, which have significantly advanced protections for their target groups.
This convention offers a rare opportunity to redefine how societies value their older members. The journey from declaration to implementation will demand persistent civil society advocacy, first to ensure the text of the convention delivers meaningful, enforceable protections rather than mere aspirational statements, and then to prevent the dilution of protections through limited implementation. But the potential reward is profound: a world where advancing age enhances rather than diminishes human dignity and rights.
Samuel King is a researcher with the Horizon Europe-funded research project ENSURED: Shaping Cooperation for a World in Transition and Inés M. Pousadela is Senior Research Specialist at CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation, writer at CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report.
For interviews or more information, please contact research@civicus.org
PARIS / BRUSSELS , May 9 2025 (IPS) - If one so wished, it would be entirely possible to spend a lifetime travelling from one international environmental conference to the next, without ever returning home. But the relentless pace of these meetings does not always translate into equally rapid action.
Instead, the result is often painfully slow progress, watered down commitments and timelines that can stretch into years if not decades. Public frustration is mounting, tired of broken promises. It wants action to tackle the climate and biodiversity crises before it is too late.
In this void of global environmental leadership, the European Union has an opportunity to step up on the stewardship of our planet’s greatest shared resource: the ocean.
Credit: Josh Sorenson
The ocean is Earth’s life support system. It covers over 70% of our planet, regulates the climate by absorbing carbon dioxide, produces at least half of the oxygen we breathe, sustains millions of livelihoods, provides food for billions, and holds mysteries we’ve only just begun to uncover.
Yet, despite its fundamental role in planetary health and human survival, the ocean remains under constant assault from climate change, pollution, overfishing, and habitat destruction.
Most alarmingly, vast areas of the ocean — especially the High Seas — remain dangerously under protected.
That is why it is both remarkable and welcome that, as EU Council President Antonio Costa highlighted, all 27 EU Heads of State and Government reached – for the very first time – ambitious conclusions on the ocean at the March 2025 European Council.
Among these was a commitment to swiftly ratify the new High Seas Treaty, a landmark international agreement finalized in 2023 after nearly two decades of negotiations.
This treaty, also known as the Biodiversity Beyond National Jurisdiction (BBNJ) Agreement, is a cornerstone of marine conservation and was hailed as a major victory for multilateralism. It holds enormous potential to protect marine life in High Seas — the two-thirds of the ocean that lie beyond national borders. But treaties do not protect ecosystems — countries do.
And unless 60 nations ratify the agreement so it can enter into force, its historic potential will remain nothing more than words on paper.
Here, the EU has a chance to lead by example — and by numbers. With its 27 member states, it holds the key to being a game-changer in accelerating the process of entry into force. The EU finalized its ratification in June 2024, but progress among individual member states has lagged.
As of now, only France and Spain have formally deposited their ratification instruments with the United Nations. Several others are close, but the overall momentum is insufficient. In a positive development aimed at facilitating ratification and preparing for implementation, the EU Commission has recently proposed a Directive for transposing the BBNJ Agreement into EU law.
Member states must urgently speed up their national processes to complete their ratification and send a strong signal of global leadership. This urgency and roadmap are outlined in detail in Europe Jacques Delors’ most recent policy brief, which highlights the key institutional, legal, and diplomatic levers available to the EU and its member states.
The stakes could not be higher. 40% of EU citizens live in coastal areas, which contribute around 40% of the EU’s GDP. The EU, together with its overseas territories, also has the largest Exclusive Economic Zone in the world. From economic stability to energy security and food supply, the ocean is inextricably tied to Europe’s prosperity. A degraded ocean means a less secure, less resilient, and less prosperous Europe.
True leadership means more than making bold declarations, it is about delivering results.
This June, the 3rd UN Ocean Conference (UNOC3) will take place on European soil — in Nice. The Conference has been designated as the key political moment to secure the 60 ratifications needed to trigger the Treaty’s entry into force.
Achieving this goal is essential not only to uphold the EU leadership and credibility on ocean governance, but also to meet broader international commitments — including the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework’s goal of protecting 30% of the ocean by 2030 (30×30).
The EU must intensify its ‘blue diplomacy’, leveraging initiatives like the High Ambition Coalition for the High Seas Treaty, which it helped establish, to drive global ratification and implementation efforts of its 52 members. This conference needs to prove that once again environmental multilateralism can still deliver when it matters most.
The EU has set an ambitious course on ocean governance. The imminent launch of the European Ocean Pact, which builds on the foundations laid by the Manifesto for a European Ocean Pact initiated by Europe Jacques Delors and Oceano Azul Foundation, and the recent EU Council conclusions on the Ocean, are strong signals of intent.
With the global order in flux and geopolitical alliances shifting rapidly, the EU must work together and embrace its role as both a stabilizing force and a champion of the ocean. Delivering on the High Seas Treaty — through swift ratification, diligent preparation for implementation, and the establishment of a robust governance framework — will be a defining moment for the EU. It is a test of its credibility, leadership, and vision for the future.
The world is watching. The ocean is waiting. And the clock is ticking.
Pascal Lamy is the Vice-President of Europe Jacques Delors and former Director-General of the WTO. Geneviève Pons is the Vice-President and Director General of Europe Jacques Delors and a leading advocate for ocean conservation.
IPS UN Bureau
UNITED NATIONS, May 8 2025 (IPS) - Following a series of brutal altercations in the communes of Mirebalais and Saut d’Eau in Haiti back in late March, local gangs have taken over both communes, spurring heightened displacement and insecurity. This is indicative of the continuing deterioration of the humanitarian situation in Haiti as these armed gangs expand their control beyond Port-au-Prince.
On May 2, the White House issued a statement which declared the Viv Ansamn and Gran Grif gangs as terrorist organizations, attributing the core of Haiti’s issues to their activities. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio also emphasized the threats that these coalitions pose to Haitian and American national security.
“Their [the gangs’] ultimate goal is creating a gang-controlled state where illicit trafficking and other criminal activities operate freely and terrorize Haitian citizens. Terrorist designations play a critical role in our fight against these vicious groups and are an effective way to curtail support for their terrorist activities. Engaging in transactions with members of these groups entails risk in relation to counterterrorism sanctions authorities, not only for Haitians but also for U.S. lawful permanent residents and U.S. citizens,” said Rubio.
The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) issued a report on April 29 that detailed the current conditions in the capital and the Centre Department. An attack in early April resulted in the escape of over 515 inmates at a Mirebalais prison. UNICEF states that the clashes in this region have led to numerous civilian deaths, multiple lootings, and the destruction of a police station.
On April 25, an operation was carried out by law enforcement in Mirebalais in hopes of regaining control of the Centre Department. It is believed that during this operation, eight armed individuals were killed and three firearms were seized. However, this operation was largely unsuccessful in eliminating gang presence in this area. Furthermore, Haitian officials have noted an attempt by the Viv Ansamn gang to gain control of the Devarrieux area, which borders the commune of Lascahobas.
According to UNICEF, heightened gang activity in the Centre Department has complicated relief efforts by humanitarian organizations. Currently, authorities have prohibited humanitarian organizations from accessing sections of the road that connect Hinche to Mirebalais, Lascahobas, and Belladère. Due to relatively stable security conditions between Hinche and Cange-Boucan-Carré, humanitarian movement has been approved between these communes.
The International Organization for Migration (IOM) has recorded over one million civilian displacements since the eruption of hostilities in 2023. In the Centre Department, IOM estimates approximately 51,000 civilian displacements, including 27,000 children.
Additional figures from IOM indicate that the Dominican Republic has considerably increased its rate of deportation of Haitian migrants. In the Belladère and Ouanaminthe communes, which are located along the borders between the two nations, over 20,000 Haitian migrants in April. This marks the highest monthly total recorded this year.
Humanitarian organizations have expressed concern over these deportations due to the highly vulnerable nature of these migrants. IOM reports that the majority of these populations consist of women, children, and newborns, who are disproportionately affected by gang violence.
“The situation in Haiti is becoming increasingly dire. Each day, deportations and gang violence worsen an already fragile situation,” said IOM Director General Amy Pope.
These deportations have compromised relief efforts as over 12,500 Haitian refugees are scattered across 95 newly established displacement shelters, the majority of which are bereft of basic services, such as food access, clean water, and healthcare. Due to increased gang activity in Mirebalais, IOM states that Belladère has essentially been isolated from the rest of Haiti.
“This is a compounded crisis spreading beyond the capital, with cross-border expulsions and internal displacement converging in places like Belladère,” said Grégoire Goodstein, IOM’s Chief of Mission in Haiti. “Delivering assistance is becoming increasingly difficult as humanitarian actors find themselves trapped alongside the very people they are trying to help.”
Additionally, Haiti’s healthcare system has been overwhelmed by recent surges in hostility. According to the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO), the healthcare system is particularly strained in Port-Au-Prince, where 42 percent of medical facilities remain closed. It is estimated that roughly 2 out of 5 Haitians urgently require access to medical care.
Sexual violence has also run rampant in Haiti. According to figures from the United Nations (UN), more than 333 women and girls have been subjected to gender-based violence from gang members, with 96 percent of these cases being rape. Furthermore, trafficking and forced recruitment remains common, especially in Port-Au-Prince.
Underfunding across multiple sectors has made it difficult for Haitian communities to access the tools they need to survive. Due to persisting structural barriers and societal taboo, many perpetrators of violence receive impunity. The amount of humanitarian aid is inadequate as relief teams are understaffed to handle the sheer scale of needs.
The Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) states that the 2025 Humanitarian Needs and Response Plan for Haiti is less than 7 percent funded, with only USD 61 million having been raised out of the USD 908 million required. The UN and its partners urge donor contributions as the situation continues to deteriorate.
IPS UN Bureau Report
KABUL, May 8 2025 (IPS) - Rukhsar (pseudonym), 27, is a widow and sole breadwinner for a family of five. She recounts her life story under Taliban rule, a reality faced by thousands of women in Afghanistan.
Every time I picked up a pen, I would write about turning failure into success, rising up after falling, and the highs that follow life’s lows. Each time I wrote, my mood, soul, and mind came alive, fueled by the words of my achievements.
With every victory achieved and each milestone reached, I redoubled my efforts. Like a mountaineer dreaming of reaching the summit, my hope of realizing my dreams grew with each passing day.
But this time, my dreams have crumbled, and I am left defeated.
I, too, once had a stable life, but the winds of fate blew it apart. Shattering my dreams.
Exactly seven years ago, I began a relationship with a kind and brave person, Yusuf, who was my source of security while I in turn took care of patients in a hospital. As nurses, our days were spent caring for the people of our country. We dedicated ourselves to our sacred duty with passion and enthusiasm.
It felt like being a woman in itself was a crime in Afghanistan. We could not study or go to the parks. Women were flogged on the mere of suspicion sleeping with anyone other than their husbands. Young girls were forced into marriage and women committed suicide. We are probably the most oppressed people in the history of Afghanistan
In the midst of life’s joys, Yusuf and I were blessed with two children, Iman and Ayat. They made our life shine brighter.
However, just when everything appeared to flourish, we began to hear rumblings in the distance. The Taliban had begun a fight to take back Afghanistan. We heard about districts falling in neighboring provinces such as Balkh, and the deaths, and disappearances of our loved ones.
As the days passed by, the intensity of the war between the government and Taliban fighters increased. We were all in a state of panic, fearing that we could become victims of the conflict. The war was getting closer to the city with each passing moment.
One day Yusuf urged me not to go to work. He went instead. He kissed our children goodbye, tears in his eyes. Thas was the last time we saw him alive.
After he left, I kept calling him at short intervals to ask if everything was fine with him, and each time he called back without delay. However, my call to him in the afternoon went unanswered; neither did he return the call. That triggered off restlessness in my mind. It soon took hold of me entirely and was no longer controllable.
At the peak of my desperation, and exhaustion, Yusuf’s father told me he had received a call from an unfamiliar number. Yusuf was no longer with us, he announced. He was brutally killed by a tyrannical, ruthless, bloodthirsty, and oppressive group.
The date is forever edged in my memory. It was June 16, 2021.
The grief of losing Yusuf brought sleepless nights, memories that haunted me every moment, and a deep loneliness that nothing could fill. I was entrapped in emotional and mental struggles from which I could not escape.
Days and months went by, and problems kept piling up one after the other with no respite. There was no psychological support, I was caught midst of increasing financial struggles, and I constantly worried about how to provide for our children, which were now entirely under my care. I had to find a way out.
I returned to my former work place at the hospital in Mazar-i-Sharif, but someone new took up my place. I returned home empty-handed. All around me was despair and fear.
All the while, I was under increasing pressure from my family to consider a second marriage. No one could really understand the pain I was enduring. My husband Yusuf was gone but his love was still alive. It was the only thing besides the children, which gave me hope. I started looking for work and eventually got one as a midwife at Afghanistan Family Guidance Association (AFGA), one of the oldest NGOs in Afghanistan.
It was in 2023. I had an eight-hour job and was now earning monthly salary of over 9,500 Afghanis, which enabled me to support my children and financially support my late husband’s parents as well. I was excited and nervous about the new phase in my life.
We provided services to the most vulnerable clients who were suffering from impact of earthquakes, floods, and drought.
Nevertheless, every day I heard news about how the Taliban regime was planning to shut down various organizations that support women and families, as well as banning women from schools and universities. At my workplace, we could foresee that thousands of families would soon be left without help.
A flood of bad news kept inundating us each day about measures that adversely affected women’s situation. It felt like being a woman in itself was a crime in Afghanistan. We could not study or go to the parks. Women were flogged on the mere of suspicion sleeping with anyone other than their husbands. Young girls were forced into marriage and women committed suicide. We are probably the most oppressed people in the history of Afghanistan.
However, my colleagues and I took comfort in the fact, that since we were working in the medical field as essential members of society, we assumed we were indispensable.
We still maintained high hopes that our work in the medical field would continue, even though officials from the brutal and oppressive unit, the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice, continuously monitored us. For one hour every Thursday, these officers would give us religious lessons as if we were not Muslim.
We were working mainly with women patients, yet we were made to cover our faces with masks and to maintain our hijabs. We were prohibited from speaking loudly, and from engaging in any conversation with the male companions of the patients. The restrictions kept increasing, but I had to stay strong for my family.
Despite all the bullying and oppression, we continued to work because serving our patients brought us peace of mind, not to mention the deep satisfaction and relief of being able to provide financial support to our families.
On the morning of December 3, 2024, I heard the news about the closure of medical institutions. It was incredibly painful, like a dagger thrust into my heart. I spent the entire day in tears and sorrow. In the small shelter where I worked, we were all crushed by grief.
That day passed by and we did not know how we had managed to get through it. We concluded to each other at the end of the day that, “We might be the last generation of medical professionals.”
On January 3rd, at 9:08 AM, I received a call from a colleague at the Kabul central office. She informed me that Mullah Hibatullah Akhundzada, the misogynist Taliban leader, had issued a decree to close down healthcentres funded by foreign donors. They were, according to him, aimed at curtailing the increase of the Muslim population.
My blood ran cold. My colleagues and I nevertheless entertained the hope that the decree would be reversed. It did not happen.
Just a week later, we were notified by email that AFGA had to close due to Taliban’s new restrictions.
At that moment, as I read the email, it felt like the ground had been cut from under my feet. My mind became consumed by thoughts of Ayat and Iman, wondering what to do next and which door to knock on.
I was not alone. Similar thoughts must have been coursing through the minds of 270 Afghan women working in 23 provinces. I also lost every shred of hope for the future. I had no idea what I could do next.
Excerpt:
The author is an Afghanistan-based female journalist, trained with Finnish support before the Taliban take-over. Her identity is withheld for security reasons
KARACHI, Pakistan, May 8 2025 (IPS) - Just after the young couple arrived at Al-Sayyed Shabistan, a quaint guesthouse in Taobat, on April 30, soldiers showed up, urging them to leave—war, they warned, could break out any moment.
Yahya Shah, guest-house owner and head of Taobat’s hotel association, told IPS over the phone, “Tourist season just began, but for two weeks the village feels like a ghost town—everyone’s hit: shopkeepers, eateries, drivers.”
Just 2 km from the tense Line of Control (not a legally recognized international border, but a de facto border under control of the military on both sides between the Indian- and Pakistani-controlled parts of the former princely state of Jammu and Kashmir), Taobat sits where India’s Kishenganga river crosses into Pakistan—reborn as the Neelum.
Tensions spiked after a deadly April 22 attack in the Indian-administered Pahalgam by The Resistance Front, killing 26 people—25 Indians and one Nepali.
India blamed Pakistan for backing TRF, calling it a Lashkar-e-Taiba front. Pakistan denied involvement, urging an independent probe. Meanwhile, pressure mounted on the Indian prime minister, Narendra Modi, to respond forcefully, as the attackers remained at large two weeks later.
The question on everyone’s mind — including Michael Kugelman, a Washington, DC-based South Asia analyst — is, “How could such a horrific attack have been carried out on soft targets in one of the most heavily militarized regions in the world?”
Taobat is the last village of Neelum Valley and the place where the Kishenganga River enters Pakistani territory and is called the Neelum river. Credit: Zofeen Ebrahim/IPS
When India crossed the line
On May 7, early morning, the intensity of the animosity between the two since the Pahalgam attack took on a serious turn when India launched a full-fledged series of attacks on Pakistan and Pakistan-administered Kashmir.
India claimed it targeted “terrorist camps” in Pakistan, stating, “No Pakistani military facilities have been targeted.”
Pakistan’s armed forces have been authorized to take “corresponding actions” following the strikes, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s office said following the attack.
The Indian attack killed 26 civilians, injuring 46. In addition, the Pakistani army reported downing five Indian jets. In retaliatory attacks by Pakistani forces, at least 10 people have been killed in Indian-administered Kashmir.
Reuters, quoting the local government on the Indian side, admitted that three fighter jets crashed in Jammu and Kashmir hours after India announced it had struck “nine Pakistani terrorist infrastructure sites across the border.”
The international community has called for restraint, with the United States urging the two sides to “keep lines of communication open and avoid escalation” the United Kingdom offering “in dialogue, in de-escalation and anything we can do to support that, we are here and willing to do…” United Nations’ Secretary-General Antonio Guterres said the international community could not “afford a military confrontation” between the nuclear-armed nations.
Daily life in Taobat Bala, about 1.5 km from Taobat. The area isn’t populated; people may work in the area but live in Taobat. Credit: Zofeen Ebrahim/IPS
Closed gates, broken pacts
Following the Pahalgam attack, India and Pakistan shut borders, halted visas, expelled visitors, and downgraded missions—familiar moves in past standoffs. But this time, India suspended the 1960 water treaty, prompting Pakistan to threaten withdrawal from the 1972 Simla Agreement.
Dr. Moonis Ahmar, former chairman of the department of international relations at Karachi University, blamed leaders of both countries for “misguiding their people” and polarizing them by spewing so much vitriol. “What was the point of bringing in the unnecessary “jugular vein” conversation out of the blue?
The ‘jugular vein’ debate
Recently, Pakistan’s army chief of staff, General Asim Munir’s characterization of Kashmir as Pakistan’s jugular vein at a diaspora event held just days before the Pahalgam tragedy, was considered provocative and a “trigger” for the massacre.
“But that is what it is, and the general only reiterated the stand taken by the Quaid,” defended Khawaja Muhammad Asif, the country’s defense minister, referring to the country’s founder, Muhammad Ali Jinnah.
Defining the jugular vein, Asif said Kashmir stirred both deep emotions and economic concerns. Recalling the lesser-known massacre of the partition, he said, “Thousands of Muslims were massacred in the Jammu region by mobs and paramilitaries led by the army of Dogra ruler Hari Singh,” adding that Muslim villagers from Jammu province were forced to evacuate to West Pakistan and were then accommodated in refugee camps in the districts of Sialkot, Jhelum, Gujrat, and Rawalpindi.
Asif, a native of Sialkot, emphasized that the economic significance of Kashmir cannot be overstated. “Kashmir is our lifeline—all our rivers, including the Jhelum, Sutlej, and even the smaller tributaries flowing through my own hometown, originate there,” he said, acknowledging that India’s recent announcement to withdraw from the pact posed a “real threat.”
Village life in Taobat Bala before the escalation of violence. Credit: Zofeen Ebrahim/IPS
What is the root of conflict?
Over the years many historians from both sides have unraveled the historical, political, and emotional fault lines dividing India and Pakistan since 1947. But Kashmir remains the stumbling block, 78 years later.
“At the time of British India’s partition in August 1947, the 565 princely states were given the option to join India, Pakistan, or remain independent—provided their people had the right to decide.” Jammu and Kashmir, a Muslim-majority state ruled by a Hindu king, Maharaja Hari Singh, initially chose to remain independent.
After tribal militias from Pakistan invaded parts of Jammu and Kashmir in October 1947—reportedly with covert support from Pakistani forces and encouragement from some local Muslims—the situation quickly descended into chaos and violence. Facing the threat, Maharaja Hari Singh signed the Instrument of Accession, ceding the state’s sovereignty to India in exchange for military assistance.
The Indian government, led by then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, agreed to extend help but asked Hari Singh to sign an Instrument of Accession first. The Raja agreed. The documents conferred a special status on Jammu and Kashmir and allowed it to have its constitution, a flag, and control over internal administration, except in matters of defense, foreign affairs, finance, and communications, and were subsequently enshrined under Articles 370 and 35A of the Indian Constitution.
“These rules were not just legal provisions; they were a vital protection that ensured that no non-resident could purchase immovable property in the region, and this was done to safeguard the distinct identity, local ownership, and indigenous rights of the Kashmiri people,” explained Naila Altaf Kayani, an expert in Kashmir affairs, speaking to IPS from Muzaffarabad in Pakistan-administered Kashmir.
But even before 2019, especially between 1952 and 1986, and through 47 presidential orders, the historical guarantees under the Maharaja’s Instrument of Accession had slowly been diluted and J&K’s special status steadily diminished. “India effectively dismantled the State Subject Rules that had long been in place in Jammu and Kashmir,” said Kayani.
In 2019, India finally scrapped these articles completely, and J&K became a union territory (governed directly by the central government, unlike states, which have their own elected governments with significant autonomy).
Can India and Pakistan ever make peace?
Both Asif and Ahmar doubt the Kashmir dispute will be resolved in their lifetime. And till that doesn’t happen, the thorn in their side will keep pricking. But what the latter finds befuddling is the “unstable and unpredictable” Pakistan-India relationship. “The two countries swing between total silence and sudden warmth, with no steady, consistent engagement like most nations maintain,” he said.
Ironically, it’s during the lowest points in their relationship that both Indian and Pakistani leaders stand to gain the most politically, said Kugelman. “Delhi can bolster its tough-on-terror stand and reputation as a strong and defiant administration by responding with muscle, and in Pakistan, the civilian and military leaderships, which are not terribly popular, can shore up public support by rallying the country around it in the face of an Indian threat.”
Forgotten formula or a new peace plan?
Ahmar said this is the lowest point in India-Pakistan relations he has ever witnessed.
However, “if by some miracle General Pervez Musharraf’s out-of-the-box four-point formula gets a shot in the arm,” perhaps we can begin anew, on a friendlier note,” he said, referring to the July 2001 Agra summit, hosted by Indian Prime Minister Vajpayee.
The four fixes included a gradual demilitarization of troops from both sides; no change in borders but allowing the people of Jammu and Kashmir to move freely across the LoC; self-governance without independence; and a joint supervision mechanism in the region involving India, Pakistan, and Kashmir.
But until that happens, Ahmar said, it would be best to let the territory be put under international supervision until its fate is decided. “I would say, place the region under the Trusteeship Council of the United Nations for at least 10 years,” he said.
Comprising the five permanent UN Security Council members—China, France, Russia, the UK, and the US—the Trusteeship Council aims to guide territories toward self-government or independence, either as separate states or by joining neighboring countries. The last trust territory, Palau, gained independence in October 1994. “The Trusteeship Council may have completed its mission in Palau but continues to exist on paper, under the UN Charter, chapter XII,” added Ahmar.
Columnist Munazza Siddiqui, also executive producer at Geo News, a private TV channel, advocated for yet another option: “Turn the LoC into a Working Boundary (a temporary, informally demarcated line used to separate areas, often in disputed regions or during a ceasefire, but different from the LoC, which is a military control line; something in-between the LoC and an international border), similar to the one that exists between Pakistan’s Punjab and Indian-administered J&K, as recognized under UN arrangements.
“The idea is to then shift focus towards bilateral cooperation in other areas,” she pointed out, adding, “This approach can hopefully help de-escalate the violence historically associated with the Kashmir issue.”
IPS UN Bureau Report