The Human Consciousness Now...Our World in the Midst of Becoming...to What? Observe, contemplate Now.
ROME, Dec 22 2025 (IPS) - Bangladesh in recent years started drawing global attention for its success in emerging out of poverty through economic growth and agricultural development. From early 2000 until 2023, while population growth continued to decline from 1.2 in 2013 to 1.03 in 2023, this growth has been the powerful driver of poverty reduction since 2000. Indeed, agriculture accounted for 90 percent of the reduction in poverty between 2005 and 2010 (World Bank).
Saifullah Syed
Along with agricultural development, buoyed by booming export, (led by the garment sector) and remittances, foreign reserves went past $30 billion.
With resources in hand and confidence to move forward the country launched mega infrastructure projects, such as huge bridges, deep sea port, urban metro transit, highways and modernization of airports; mega power projects including a nuclear power plant.
And then came the ‘deluge’ of corruption and the ‘rot’ of the basic moral fabric of the government, led by Sheikh Hasina, the daughter of the “Father of the Nation” and head of the Awami League (AL), the party that brought us independence. While the AL led government publicly started publicizing its achievements and successes, it was simultaneously systematically looting the country through corrupt practices, crony capitalism and outright theft through the banking system by forcefully appointing their henchmen onto the board of directors. Sheikh Hasina’s government further alienated the youth ‘by limiting access to government jobs to the supporters of her party by implementing a quota system.
Consequently, the students rebelled and overthrew her government and installed an Interim government with Nobel Laureate Professor Mohammed Yunus at its head. Everyone heaved a sigh of relief and hoped for a better future for the country guided by the most distinguished Nobel laureate, son of the soil.
Prof. Yunus found a country politically broken, financially drained without foreign currency reserve and a banking sector with empty coffers due to politically motivated loans to the AL leaders and their cronies without any hope of ever recovering them.
Prof. Yunus brought in several advisers to run the administration and focused on (a) stabilizing the financial sector ; and (b) reforming the institutions and the constitutions, assuming that weak institutions and the existing constitution enabled the AL government to loot the country dry.
He appointed very competent, well known and experienced economists at the head of the central Bank and the Ministry of Finance and they very successfully stabilized the financial market.
However, his attempts to reform, as well as his lackluster performance as a leader to guide the country and the reform process are pushing the country further into turmoil and towards a downward spiral. The hope that a Nobel laureate will save the country is turning into a nightmare!
Personal leadership of the Interim Government ?
Though widely respected, as a leader of the Interim government Prof. Yunus has given no indication of what he stands for. The civil society and the general public are totally confused by his failure to stand up for basic mainstream Bengali values, including women’s right and freedom, organization of cultural and musical events, support for the minorities and ethnic communities. His administration did not support the “Women’s Commission Report” without ever giving any adequate justification.
None can really explain why he failed to stand up in public and as the head of the government for the basic values he fought for as a leader of Grameen bank and cherishes in private. May be one day his memoirs will explain that.
The Interim government also failed to address education and research. It allocated Tk 95,645 crore (approx. $900+ million USD) for education in FY2025-26, representing about 11% of the total budget and 1.69 % of GDP, well below UNESCO recommendations (4-6% GDP). It is one of the lowest in the history of the country. The whole country was expecting eagerly that he, being a professor and a Nobel laureate, would start reversing the trend of low allocation for education. Instead he lowered it even further than before.
In addition, the business community is exasperated by lack of participation in the interim government and its failure to address closure of factories of politically tainted people affecting export and increasing unemployment. There was also inadequate consultation before ratifying the ILO conventions on labour rights under international pressure.
Flawed reform and governance conundrum ?
While the interim Government is committing most of its time discussing reforms of the institutions and the constitution, hardly a day goes by without some report of illicit land grabbing, police harassment of ordinary people, bribery and extortion in every government office, streets and local markets and transport hubs. There are wide spread arsons and killings. The security and law and order situation in the country is worse than ever before.
Reform before governance’ emphasizes making systemic improvements (like updating laws, processes, structures) before fully implementing the laws and rules to ensure that the foundation is sound, fair, and efficient.
However, interim government’s decision to prioritize was not based on any analysis demonstrating that there were flaws in the constitution, or in the judiciary etc. that allowed the last government to rob the country. Besides, the agitation that drove Sheikh Hasina’s government from power was motivated by lack of access to jobs, corruption and extortion, land grabbing, police brutality and political oppression. All these issues are related to governance. Reform was not on their agenda.
Prof. Yunus and his interim government are to be commended for their good intentions in seeking to carry out reforms that would forestall a return to the bad old days of the last government that looted the country. But they should have understood that reform may have been necessary but not sufficient.
Poor governance and lack of capacity to govern by the established institutions of Bangladesh and its bureaucracy is clear to the entire nation and the international community. Just look at any public institutions (from the airport to embassies, union parishad to district administration, telecom and power) the situation is blatantly visible to all. No one can get anything done without going through harassment, hustles, often paying a bribe or showing authority or power. People want relief from such miserable governance and administration and not Reform.
Fixing of the financial sector was indeed one of Prof Yunus’s government’s big achievement. However, though people feared that the financial and the political crisis would derail agricultural growth and then the rest of the economy along with it, fortunately that did not happen. Overall agricultural growth of the country kept its pace and total food grain production did not decline. Overall growth of value added in agriculture remained at more than 3 percent (Bureau of Statistics, Bangladesh).
Continued and sustained agricultural growth provided the life line to industries and the garment sector in particular to withstand the financial crisis. Overall, Bangladesh’s total exports expanded 24.9 % YoY in Nov 2024, compared with an increase of 25.7 % YoY in the previous month. Garment exports surged 12% in first 7 months of FY24–25, (Export Promotion Bureau of Bangladesh).
Likewise fixing the financial sector did not fix the economy. Even with a stronger financial sector, poor governance and inadequate attention to the business community have affected the real economy. Poverty is on the rise, export and agricultural productivity are declining. The country is now staring at downhill spiral both economically and politically.
Consequences of the failures of the Interim Government to Govern ?
The most significant consequence is that by offering no alternative to better governance than the regime that was over thrown, the people are likely to turn towards the Islamic parties, which are, as of now not tainted by corruption in power and poor governance. There is a high probability that they may win. People are tending to believe that the Islamic parties will provide better governance and will be less corrupt.
The only factor that may not bring them to power is the fear that some of their values related to women and culture do not correspond to mainstream Bengali values.
The main stream opposition party, Bangladesh National Party (BNP) is also hoping to win big as they see no clear opponent. This party, however, is also accused of committing crimes, extortion and corruption when it was in power. The founder of BNP is linked to the cruel murder of Sheikh Mujib and the members of his family, and the current leader of BNP is accused of masterminding the grenade attack aimed at killing Sheikh Hasina at an AL rally on 21st August 2004. Hasina survived the attack, but it killed 24 people and injured about 200. Though acquitted, under the Interim Government, the accusations and BNP’s corruption and extortion by its cadres are lingering in public minds.
In spite of these short comings and the relative strength of the Islamic parties, the BNP is very optimistic of winning. They believe that the minorities, the large section of the freedom fighters, the left leaning parties and the secular urban women will never vote for the Islamist parties, come what may. However, given the current volatile political climate anything is possible.
In a sense the interim Government of Prof. Yunus is making it inevitable for the people to choose between: “good governance” vs. “upholding socio cultural Bengali values”. Which one will win is yet to be seen. The future of the country now critically hinges on the forthcoming election in February 2026 and the kind of leadership it will produce. Either way the people will be the losers – either they will get BNP, a corrupt party very similar to the ousted party AL with a history of bad governance or the Islamists which may turn out to be a threat to main stream Bengali values.
The Author was a freedom fighter during the war of liberation of Bangladesh and Former Chief of Policy Assistance Branch for Asia and the Pacific of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO).
IPS UN Bureau
We need people to understand the holistic value of that natural blue capital and infrastructure. Whilst our countries (in the Pacific) are on the front line of climate change, they are also holding the front line by protecting large swaths of intact marine ecosystems that play a huge role in planetary stability—from biodiversity to climate change. —Coral Pasisi, SPC’s Director of Climate Change and Sustainability
TOKYO, Japan, Dec 22 2025 (IPS) - Leaders of Japan and the five Central Asian states met in Tokyo on Dec. 20 and adopted the “Tokyo Declaration,” launching a new leaders-level format under the “Central Asia plus Japan Dialogue” (CA+JAD). The declaration places at the core of cooperation two priorities: strengthening supply-chain resilience for critical minerals, and supporting the Trans-Caspian Corridor (the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route), which links Central Asia with Europe without transiting Russia.
Chaired by Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi, the meeting reflected Central Asia’s strategic importance as a Eurasian crossroads and as a region with mineral resources essential to decarbonization and advanced industries. As major powers step up engagement across the region, Central Asia’s weight as a stage for diplomacy and trade has been growing.
“Central Asia plus Japan Dialogue” (CA+JAD). Credit: Prime Minister’s Office of Japan
The Japanese government emphasized a practical, implementation-oriented approach—translating cooperation into deliverable projects. For Central Asian countries, the Trans-Caspian Corridor is also a means to expand transport options and reduce dependence on any single transit route. It can help attract investment for modernizing ports, railways and customs systems, while increasing opportunities to capture transit and logistics revenues.
For Japan, corridor development and cooperation on minerals serve as a form of risk diversification in economic security. By diversifying both procurement sources and transport routes for critical minerals—such as rare earths and lithium—needed for batteries, renewable energy technologies and electronic devices, Japan aims to prepare for heightened geopolitical risk. There is also a clear intent to expand opportunities for Japanese companies to participate in infrastructure, logistics and digital sectors.
Japan–Kazakhstan Joint Statement as the Anchor
President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev(left) and Prime Minister Sane Takaichi (right) signing a joint statement. Credit: Prime Minister’s Office of Japan
On Dec. 18, Prime Minister Takaichi and President Tokayev held a summit meeting and issued a joint statement on a “future-oriented expanded strategic partnership.” The statement reaffirmed a rules-based international order grounded in the principles of the U.N. Charter, and the two leaders agreed to advance cooperation through concrete initiatives in areas including critical minerals, the energy transition, and transport and logistics connectivity.
On the Trans-Caspian Corridor, the joint statement specified practical measures aimed at easing customs and port bottlenecks—such as training for customs officials in cooperation with the World Customs Organization (WCO) and support for improving cargo inspection scanners (cargo inspection equipment) at Aktau Port in western Kazakhstan. The two leaders also welcomed plans to launch regular direct flights in 2026 and agreed to begin intergovernmental negotiations toward the conclusion of a bilateral air services agreement. In addition, the joint statement expressed an intent to exchange information and explore potential avenues of cooperation with the “UN Regional Centre for the SDGs for Central Asia and Afghanistan”, which was established in Almaty.
Middle Corridor. Photo credit: TITR
Tokayev Warns of Nuclear Risks in Tokyo
On the following day, Dec. 19, President Tokayev delivered a lecture at the United Nations University in Tokyo, warning that “nuclear risks are rising again.”
Kassym-Jomart Tokayev delivered a lecture at the United Nations University
He referred not only to the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki but also to Kazakhstan’s Semipalatinsk nuclear test site, where the former Soviet Union conducted more than 450 nuclear tests, arguing that both Japan and Kazakhstan are countries that know the devastating consequences wrought by nuclear weapons. He said practical steps must be steadily accumulated to advance nuclear disarmament and reduce nuclear risks.
Semipalatinsk Former Nuclear Weapon Test site/ Credit: Katsuhiro Asagiri
Tokayev also cited Kazakhstan’s decision to relinquish the nuclear weapons left on its territory after the Soviet collapse, suggesting that security should not depend solely on nuclear deterrence.
Kazakhstan has, around Aug. 29—the date the Semipalatinsk test site was closed and also the U.N.-designated International Day against Nuclear Tests—hosted meetings in Astana that foreground the inhumane impacts of nuclear weapons and call for strengthening norms underpinning the Central Asian Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone. These gatherings have included participation by civil society groups such as the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (ICAN) and Soka Gakkai International (SGI).
A Group photo of participants of the regional conference on the humanitarian consequences of nuclear weapons and nuclear-free-zone in Central Asia held on August 29, 2023. Credit: Jibek Joly TV Channel
Three Priority Areas: Resilience, Connectivity, Human Development
At the Dec. 20 summit, President Tokayev attended alongside the presidents of Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan. Prime Minister Takaichi noted that Central Asia’s growing population and rapid economic expansion have raised the region’s international profile, and stressed the importance of regional cooperation and engagement with external partners.
Japan announced the “CA+JAD Tokyo Initiative,” setting out three priority areas for cooperation: (1) green and resilience (including the energy transition, disaster risk reduction and supply-chain resilience for critical minerals); (2) connectivity (including the Trans-Caspian Corridor and A.I. cooperation); and (3) human development (including scholarship programs and cooperation in health and medical fields).
The Tokyo Declaration also explicitly set out the launch of the “Japan–Central Asia Partnership for AI Cooperation,” with a view to applying A.I. to resource development and related areas. More than 150 documents were signed and announced by public and private stakeholders on the margins of the meeting, and a goal was presented to develop business projects totaling 3 trillion yen over the next five years.
Multipolar Engagement and Kazakhstan’s “Multi-Vector” Diplomacy
The Tokyo gathering also underscored the reality of accelerating summit diplomacy around Central Asia. China convened a leaders’ meeting with the five Central Asian states in Kazakhstan earlier this year, and the United States invited the same five leaders to Washington in November.
Credit: Prime Minister’s Office of Japan
For Japan, the new leaders-level format provides a means to deepen engagement with Central Asia by connecting resources, logistics and technology. For President Tokayev, the visit also served as a platform to argue that, as nuclear risks re-emerge at the forefront, Eurasia’s economic future cannot be separated from the security challenges that shape it.
INPS Japan
Related articles:
Kazakhstan Takes Lead in Global Push for Nuclear Disarmament Amid Heightened Tensions
Kazakhstan Committed to a Nuclear-Weapons-Free World
Kazakhstan’s leadership in multilateralism: A Beacon for global peace and stability
IPS UN Bureau
KAMVIVIRA, DRC, Dec 22 2025 (IPS) - Fulgence Ndayizeye, a Burundian bicycle taxi driver who used to cross the Congolese-Burundian border every day to support his family, wanted to return home.
He and more than 500 other Burundians, including women, men, and children, stranded in Uvira on the border between the DRC and Rwanda, were finally allowed to return to their country on Sunday, December 14, 2025, by M23-Congo River Alliance (AFC) rebels after being stuck in the DRC due to an M23 rebel offensive that had taken the town a few days earlier.
According to Human Rights Watch the M23 and Rwandan forces entered Uvira on December 9, 2025, after week-long fighting that pushed out Congolese and Burundian military forces and a coalition of militias known as the Wazalendo.
“We are going home to be reunited with our families. I haven’t eaten for several days because I’ve used up all my money. Being stuck in a country other than my own during a period of war is slowly killing me. I’m delighted to be going home,’’ said Ndayizeye.
This latest incursion contributed to the United Nations Security Council on Friday, December 19 unanimously extending the mandate of the UN peacekeeping mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) despite two recent peace accords.
By occupying Uvira, the rebels had blocked all Burundian logistical and military support to the Congolese army. The rebels now control the DRC’s borders with Rwanda, Uganda, and now Burundi.
Since its conquest of Uvira, the armed group had been collecting weapons to prevent them from falling into the hands of militiamen, strengthening security in Uvira and its surrounding areas, and transferring Burundians back to their country of origin.
Under-Secretary-General for Peace Operations at the United Nations, Jean-Pierre Lacroix, on December 12, expressed deep concern over the M23’s occupation of Uvira, which significantly increased the risk of regional conflagration.
He said the occupation undermined diplomatic efforts, including the Washington Accord signed on December 4 and the Doha Framework Agreement, where the DRC and the M23 (AFC) signed an agreement on October 14, 2025, to establish a joint ceasefire monitoring and verification mechanism.
“The recent developments in South Kivu (Province) undeniably illustrate the gap existing between diplomatic efforts and the reality experienced by civilians affected by persistent hostilities,” he told a Security Council meeting on December 12.
“While recent diplomatic progress has generated genuine hope, persistent ceasefire violations and the resumption of hostilities pose a real risk of the collapse of ongoing diplomatic efforts. The growing gap between political commitments and their effective implementation on the ground undermines the credibility of peace processes, weakens trust among the parties and fuels the sense of abandonment felt by civilians without concrete and immediate measures to ensure compliance with agreed commitments.”
He warned that conflict dynamics may close the door to dialogue.
On Friday, December 19, Ambassador Jérôme Bonnafont, the penholder for Resolution 2808 (2025), which extends the MONUSCO’s mandate until December 2026, said, “In light of the gravity and the urgent nature of the situation, and following this resolution, France calls upon all parties to honor their commitments for the achievement of a lasting peace in the east of the DRC and in the Great Lakes region.”
The United States urged M23 supported by the “Rwanda Defense Forces,” to comply with the Doha framework and withdraw at least 75 km from Uvira.
Jennifer Locetta, Ambassador and Alternative Representative for Special Political Affairs representing the United States, said negotiations were “yet again disrupted” by M23 advances “supported by the Rwanda Defense Forces” and urged the group to comply with its commitments under the Doha framework.
“M23 must immediately withdraw at least 75km from Uvira and return to compliance with all of its obligations undertaken in the Framework Agreement.”
For the stranded Burundians, mostly laborers who survive on their daily wages and who regularly cross the border at Kamvivira between the DRC and Burundi to work in the DRC it was a relief to be able to return home.
Their situation took a worrying turn in early December 2025 when armed violence intensified in the Ruzizi plain in South Kivu following fighting between the Congolese army and the M23 on the one hand and between pro-Kinshasa militiamen and the Congolese army on the other.
The M23 rebels say they were responding to attacks by the Congolese army on their positions and densely populated areas, while the Congolese army accused the armed group of violating all peace agreements aimed at stopping the fighting in the east of the country.
“The Washington agreements do not concern us in any way. It is a matter between two states, the DRC and Rwanda. We, as the M23, are Congolese and we have legitimate demands that are being discussed in Doha, Qatar, with delegates from Kinshasa,” says Bertrand Bisimwa, political leader of the M23-AFC political-military coalition.
According to the UN, recent fighting has caused more than 84,000 people to flee to Burundi since the beginning of December. This brings the total number of Congolese refugees and asylum seekers in Burundi to more than 200,000.
“Local resources are overwhelmed. Transit centers and informal sites, where new arrivals are being received, have greatly exceeded their capacity, in some cases by nearly 200 percent, leaving hundreds of families in untenable conditions,” Stéphane Dujarric, spokesperson of the UN said in a media briefing on December 19, 2025, in New York.
He stressed that UNHCR is seeking USD 47 million over the next four months to assist 500,000 internally displaced persons in the DRC and nearly 166,000 refugees in Burundi, Rwanda, and other neighboring countries where Congolese men, women, and children have sought refuge.
As the security situation worsened in the town of Uvira, in South Kivu province in eastern DRC, day workers found themselves trapped at the border between the DRC and Burundi.
The M23-AFC political-military group organized a repatriation operation for the civilians on Sunday, December 14, 2025, despite Burundi’s official closure of the border.
“At AFC-M23, we encourage the free movement of people and their property. This is one of our priority policies. We call on the Burundian government to open the border and allow people to move freely. We have no problem with the Burundian people,’’ claimed Lawrence Kanyuka, spokesperson for the M23-AFC military coalition, asserting that his group did not close the border. According to him, the closure of the border was the “unilateral” action of the Burundian government.
Impatient, the Burundians gathered near the border every day, under heavy security from the AFC-M23, in the ultimate hope of seeing the border opened so they could return to their country of origin.
Burundi is a key ally of the Congolese government in the fight against M23 fighters, who, according to several UN and US reports, are supported by Rwanda. Rwanda and the M23-AFC dismiss these accusations as unfounded.
For Rwanda and the M23, the crisis shaking the eastern part of the DRC is primarily between Congolese and therefore requires Congolese solutions.
In peacetime the town of Uvira survives thanks to economic exchanges with Gatumba, a Burundian town located about six kilometers away.
With the capture of Uvira, the Burundian government closed its border with the DRC for security reasons, while the rebels claim to have no “territorial claims” on Burundi, describing it as a “brother country” and “eternal neighbor” of the DRC.
“When the fighting broke out here, I tried to come to the border. I was told that the border was closed. I have been here at the border for four days waiting to cross into our country. My bosses have fled and I have no job. There is no reason for me to stay. I can’t wait to go home to Burundi,” said David Ntakarutimana, a Burundian mason working in the DRC told IPS. He was one of those who was finally allowed to return home.
IPS UN Bureau Report
TORONTO, Canada, Dec 22 2025 (IPS) - Our traditional “year-ender” usually kicks off with a grim litany of world disasters and crises over the past 12 months, highlights IPS partners and contributors and culminates in a more positive-sounding finale. This time I’d like to begin on a more personal note intended also as a metaphor.
Farhana Haque Rahman
As thousands looked for the nearest exit, a young Bangladeshi diplomat saw me and instead of joining the mass scramble, he gallantly led me through the crowds to safety. Thank you Aminul Islam Zisan for demonstrating when in crisis people can come together in unique ways.
Thankfully no one was killed in the fire; talks resumed and the Conference of Parties process survived in the form of a concluding document that could be interpreted as a small step forward in the global battle to stem the climate crisis, even while making only an oblique reference to the fossil fuels that are largely creating it.
COP’s survival was not assured given the US boycott ordered by President Donald Trump who dismissed climate change as “the greatest con job” in addressing the UN General Assembly in September.
The US absence from Belem in fact inflicted more damage to the US in terms of its global standing, just as Trump’s decision to shun the G20 talks running parallel in Johannesburg only deepened its reputational harm. Salt was diplomatically rubbed into its self-inflicted wounds by the dignity of G20 host President Cyril Ramaphosa who ignored US opposition from afar and steered adoption of a declaration addressing global challenges, notably the climate crisis.
Looking back, perhaps this was the week that quietly brought the curtain down on the Age of America. Unpredictability, chaos, violence and institutionalised cruelty are the early symptoms of the dramatic shift in 2025 towards unilateralism and protectionism.
Hundreds of Palestinians, including scores of children, have been killed since the US-brokered “truce” between Israel and Hamas began on October 11. Russian air strikes against Ukrainian civilian targets have also regularly punctuated Trump’s flip-flopping efforts to end a war he said he could finish on day one of his presidency.
Sharp cuts in US aid ordered by Trump in January have “fuelled a global humanitarian catastrophe”, according to a statement by the UN Human Rights Council on July 31. Citing two independent experts on poverty, food and human rights, the Council said: “More than 350,000 deaths stemming from the aid cuts have already been estimated, including more than 200,000 children.”
Famine is spreading with the conflict in western Sudan, and lack of finance has also led to cuts in vital UN aid to South Sudan. Over one million people caught in Myanmar’s largely forgotten civil war had their lifesaving support cut by the UN World Food Programme because of funding shortfalls.
Civicus, a global alliance of civil society organizations and activists working to strengthen citizen action, says these multiple and connected crises – conflict, climate breakdown and democratic regression – are overwhelming the international institutions designed to address the problems that states can’t or won’t resolve. US withdrawal from global bodies threatens to worsen this crisis in international cooperation.
But as CIVICUS’s 2025 State of Civil Society Report outlines, civil society has ideas about how to save the UN by putting people at its heart: a theme embraced at COP30 by Open Society Foundations President Binaifer Nowrojee who endorsed Brazil’s democratic leadership for elevating Indigenous and Afro-descendant voices and bringing human rights back to the centre of climate action.
In this rapidly shifting world order, Nowrojee sees the Global South stepping forward with new ideas and a new vision rooted in dignity, fairness, and protection of the planet.
Arguably the most important agreement emerging from COP30 was the Just Transition Mechanism which aims to ensure fair development of a global green economy, protecting the rights of all people, including workers, women and Indigenous people.
Coral Pasisi, Director of Climate Change and Sustainability for the Pacific Community (SPC), highlighted at COP30 how critical the situation has become for island nations experiencing accelerating climate impacts and hoping for meaningful breakthroughs in Belem. She raised the need for stronger support from developed countries for Loss and Damage.
The Gen Z demonstrators who have rocked regimes in South Asia and Africa are certainly stepping up with their visions for fairer futures for all, their protests aimed against nepotism and corruption among entrenched elites. They have been met with bullets in Bangladesh last year, and in Nepal – where the government was forced to resign in September – as well as Tanzania where hundreds were reported killed. Gen Z protests this year also rocked Indonesia, the Philippines and Morocco.
As Jan Lundius, a Swedish researcher, wrote in IPS: “Even though specific incidents triggered these upheavals, they were all due to long-term, shared grievances evolving from stark wealth gaps, rampant nepotism, and unlimited corruption. Above all, youngsters protested against members of powerful dynasties, favouring a wealthy and discredited political elite.”
A combination of conflict and climate disasters can have disastrous long-term consequences, particularly for children’s education. Initiatives supported by IPS like Education Cannot Wait (ECW) and the Safe Schools Declaration focus on providing quality, inclusive education to crisis-affected children to prevent long-term cycles of poverty and instability.
Hurricane Melissa which swept through the Caribbean in October served as a harsh reminder that 5.9 million children and adolescents in Latin America and the Caribbean could be pushed into poverty by 2030 due to loss of education as a result of climate change if governments do not intervene soon, according to UNICEF.
The World Bank estimated the physical damage inflicted by Hurricane Melissa on Jamaica at some $8.8 billion, or 41% of the country’s 2024 GDP.
However the Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES) has also warned governments that they are underestimating or ignoring the inextricable links between climate change, nature loss and food security. Its latest assessment, approved by nearly 150 countries meeting in Windhoek, Namibia, warned that biodiversity is declining everywhere, largely as a result of human actions.
CGIAR, a global research partnership focused on food security, is facing a very different world from when it was founded nearly 50 years ago in terms of having to address climate change, biodiversity loss, and new conflicts, according to CGIAR Chief Scientist Dr Sandra Milach. A major focus is on equipping 500 million small-scale producers for climate resilience to protect their livelihoods and increase stable incomes.
A year-ender wouldn’t be complete in the run-up to festive celebrations without at least a mention of the major religious figures to dominate the news.
Pope Francis, one of the most outspoken pontiffs in modern times, died on Easter Monday. Chicago-born Robert Francis Prevost, 69, became his successor, the first North American elected to the role. Choosing to be known as Pope Leo XIV he called for an end to the ‘barbarity’ of the war in Gaza. He also took aim at climate sceptics and appealed for urgent actions to be taken by world leaders at COP30.
The Dalai Lama, spiritual leader of Tibetan Buddhism, turned 90 in exile in India, and also made a call for peace in the world. To the delight of his followers, he made clear that he would be reincarnated and that only his trusted inner circle of monks would have the “sole authority” to locate his successor. China swiftly rebuffed his declaration, saying his successor must be approved by Beijing.
In 2025 the world marked 80 years since the end of the Second World War. Minoru Harada, a Buddhist monk and head of Soka Gakkai, recalled his childhood experience of the fire-bombing of Tokyo and pledged his organisation’s determination that no one should have to endure the horrors of war.
Farhana Haque Rahman is Senior Vice President of IPS Inter Press Service and Executive Director IPS Noram; she served as the elected Director General of IPS from 2015-2019. A journalist and communications expert, she is a former senior official of the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization and the International Fund for Agricultural Development.
IPS UN Bureau
MONTEVIDEO, Uruguay, Dec 22 2025 (IPS) - Myanmar is heading for an election, beginning on 28 December, that’s ostensibly an exercise in democracy – but it has clearly been designed with the aim of conferring more legitimacy on its military junta.
Almost five years after its February 2021 coup, the regime continues to fight pro-democracy forces and ethnic armed organisations, barely controlling a fifth of Myanmar’s territory. The junta has acknowledged that voting won’t be possible in much of the country.
The upcoming election fails every test of democratic legitimacy. The main democratic parties — the National League for Democracy and the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy — are banned. What remains is the Union Solidarity and Development Party, the military’s puppet party, plus minor groups that won no seats in the democratic election held in 2020. Independent media outlets have been crushed, journalists are arrested and intimidated daily and internet access is heavily restricted. In areas that resist military rule, civilians face escalating violence and arbitrary detention.
This election is designed not to reflect the popular will but to entrench military power. It comes as the regime continues its systematic campaign of violence against civilians: weeks before the junta announced the vote, Myanmar’s air force bombed a school in Oe Htein Kwin village, killing two teachers and 22 children, the youngest only seven years old.
The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners has confirmed 6,231 civilians have been killed by the military since the coup, though true figures could be much higher. Nearly half of all civilian deaths are estimated to have been caused by airstrikes. These are not indiscriminate military operations where civilians are collateral damage; they are deliberate attacks where civilians are the targets. The majority of locations of airstrikes have been sites with protected status under international law: camps for displaced people, churches, clinics and schools, often with no presence of armed groups nearby.
The junta has some powerful international allies. China backs it with billions in aid and advanced weapons. Russia supplies the fighter jets that drop bombs on civilians. India quietly sells arms. The three have long provided diplomatic cover and shielded the junta from international accountability. Meanwhile, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) continues pursuing its failed Five-Point Consensus agreed with the regime in April 2021, despite its systematic violation of every commitment. Regional powers have negotiated exclusively with the junta without input from the National Unity Government — the government in exile formed by democratically elected lawmakers — effectively treating the military regime as Myanmar’s legitimate rulers.
Now recent decisions by the Trump administration threaten to tip the balance decisively in favour of legitimising military rule. Trump has lifted sanctions, cut independent media funding and eliminated the protections formerly afforded to Myanmar’s refugees in the USA. Consistent with his transactional approach, he’s choosing access to rare earth minerals over democracy.
The concern now is that ASEAN member states may follow suit, using the sham election as justification to normalise relations with the military regime. Some have already started moving in this direction, with the junta leader invited to regional meetings.
Myanmar’s pro-democracy forces continue to resist despite the shifting international context. The People’s Defence Forces and ethnic armed groups maintain coordinated operations across most of the country. Civil society continues documenting violations, providing aid to displaced people and advocating for international action. They deserve better than to watch the world legitimise their oppressors.
The junta’s control on the ground remains tenuous, but its diplomatic position is strengthening. Whether this consolidation continues depends on how the world responds to the election. The international community must be clear that treating the election as legitimate would signal to authoritarians everywhere that democratic institutions can be overthrown with impunity, war crimes carry no real consequences and regimes that bomb schools and imprison elected leaders can secure international acceptance.
Inés M. Pousadela is CIVICUS Head of Research and Analysis, co-director and writer for CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report. She is also a Professor of Comparative Politics at Universidad ORT Uruguay.
For interviews or more information, please contact research@civicus.org
UNITED NATIONS, Dec 22 2025 (IPS) - 2025 marked a notable year of progress in reducing global hunger; yet climate pressures, economic instability, and ongoing conflicts continue to push agri-food systems to their limits, undermining food availability. In a new report, UN agencies raise the alarm on how these factors are particularly pronounced in the Asia-Pacific region, which accounts for 40 percent of the world’s undernourished.
The Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD), the World Food Programme (WFP), and the World Health Organization (WHO) warn that access to nutritious food is increasingly slipping out of reach for millions across the region, posing serious risks to economic development, public health, and social stability across the region. A new joint report released on December 17 breaks down the state of food security and nutrition in the Asia-Pacific region in 2025, highlighting global progress toward the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).
“In this day and age, no one should lack the food and optimal nutrition they need and deserve. Yet hunger, malnutrition and overweight impact the health and wellbeing of millions of our fellow human beings – including children,” said Dr Saia Ma’u Piukala, the Regional Director of WHO Western Pacific. “We need multilateral solutions to rethink, reshape and reimagine food systems across Asia-Pacific – leaving no one behind.”
While the report notes a significant decline in undernourishment across the region from 2023 to 2024—with roughly 25 million people escaping hunger—it also finds that South Asia continues to lag far behind, experiencing the highest levels of food insecurity in the Asia-Pacific. Nearly 80 percent of South Asia faces moderate to severe levels of food insecurity, with the region also reporting the highest rates of stunted growth among children—at 31.4 percent— and wasting—at 13.6 percent, both exceeding global averages.
Additionally, the Asia–Pacific region faces roughly double the rates of malnutrition compared to the global average. Adult obesity is particularly widespread, adding another layer to the region’s complex nutrition challenges.
Furthermore women and girls are projected to bear the greatest burdens, experiencing the highest levels of food insecurity among all subregions of Asia. Women and girls aged 15 to 49 also face elevated rates of anemia, with an estimated 33.8 percent affected—posing serious risks for both maternal and child health. According to figures from WHO, without urgent intervention, approximately 18 million more women and girls in South Asia could become anemic by 2030, adding to the current figure of 259 million. Anemia is a leading cause of low birth weight and stunted growth, conditions that carry long-term consequences including disrupted education, reduced economic opportunities, deepened gender inequalities, and greater vulnerability to illness.
“In South Asia, our young people and mothers stand at the heart of our demographic and development goals. Ensuring that they are healthy, nourished and empowered is not just a moral imperative, it is a strategic investment in the future of our societies.” said Golam Sarwar, Secretary General of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC).
Although the number of people in the Asia-Pacific region who can afford healthy diets has increased in recent years, food affordability remains a persistent challenge. In 2024, the cost of a healthy diet in the region averaged roughly USD 4.77 per person per day on a Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) basis—higher than the global average. The affordability gap is the widest in South Asia, where approximately 41.7 percent of the population cannot afford nutritious food.
These widening gaps in access to nutritious food not only threaten public health by leaving populations increasingly vulnerable to infections and chronic disease, but also carry far-reaching economic implications—shaping productivity and further straining already fragile economies in the region.
The report cites a study from the Asian Development Bank (ADB) which found that numerous Asian countries have historically benefitted from a “young, growing workforce,” which accounted for up to 42 percent of economic growth in the region between 1960 and 2010. However, as urbanization and population growth accelerate, a workforce facing rising food insecurity could see substantial losses.
As food insecurity in the Asia-Pacific is increasingly driven by rapid urbanization, economic pressures, and climate issues, humanitarian experts stress that response measures must adapt accordingly. Addressing hunger requires protocols that account for shifting population dynamics and rising living costs, with governments and humanitarian groups collaborating to strengthen agri-food systems to ensure that they are accessible, affordable, and resilient.
The report highlights the importance of globalization in addressing hunger strategies, underscoring the vast gains that result from more countries being integrated into global economies generally seeing fewer rates of undernourishment. Additionally, trade policies must be considered, as they shape how agricultural products move across borders, affecting the variety and availability of diverse food options. Favorable trade agreements can expand access to nutritious foods and open larger markets for small farmers, while unfavorable ones can prioritize the import of unhealthy foods, weakening local agriculture and eroding overall nutrition.
The report concludes that, “Governments together with other stakeholders are increasingly including measures in their national pathways to ensure that food and agriculture investments and policies contribute to sustainable and diverse food production, healthy food environments, promotion of positive dietary behaviour and improving access to affordable healthy diets.”
“Accomplishing that goal involves reorienting public finance and encouraging private sector investments in infrastructure development programmes, research on innovations and technologies, food manufacturing and capacity development to enhance agricultural productivity and sustainability.”
IPS UN Bureau Report
WINDHOEK, Namibia, Dec 22 2025 (IPS) - Last November, the streets of Windhoek came alive with the sound of drums and brass as a marching band led a procession of women from Namibia’s Defence and security forces.
Dressed in uniform and walking in unity, they marched not only in celebration but in remembrance of a promise made 25 years ago on 31 October 2000—when the world adopted United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security.
The resolution reaffirms the important role of women in the prevention and resolution of conflicts, peace negotiations, peace-building, peacekeeping, humanitarian response and in post-conflict reconstruction, and to protect women and girls from gender-based violence.
Resolution 1325 transformed how the world views women’s roles in peacebuilding, conflict prevention, and recovery. It affirmed a truth too long overlooked: that peace is neither sustainable nor just when half of society is excluded from decision-making. It placed women at the centre of efforts to prevent conflict, rebuild nations, and safeguard human rights.
It is fitting that Namibia hosts this silver-anniversary commemoration. Twenty-five years ago, the country made history by presiding over the UN Security Council meeting that adopted the landmark resolution.
Since then, Namibia has continued to turn words into action—integrating gender perspectives into national security policies, ensuring women’s participation in peacekeeping, and promoting women’s leadership from the grassroots to the highest levels of government. The country’s record speaks for itself: a female President, Vice-President, Speaker of Parliament and has one of the world’s most gender-balanced Cabinets.
Namibia was also among the first African nations to adopt a national action plan on Women, Peace and Security, and continues to shape the regional agenda through the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the African Union (AU). The country’s progress demonstrates that when political will aligns with gender equality, transformation follows.
The anniversary, held under the theme “Honouring the Legacy, Advancing the WPS Agenda,” has brought together women from across the continent. From the vibrant street procession to consultative dialogues with civil society and youth, every moment has reflected a shared conviction—that women’s participation is essential to building lasting peace.
For the United Nations Office to the African Union (UNOAU), this milestone carries deep meaning.
UNOAU works hand-in-hand with the African Union Commission to strengthen women’s roles across peace processes, governance reforms, and mediation efforts. Through our joint initiative, ‘She Stands for Peace’, we honour African women who have transformed their communities through courage, innovation, and leadership.
The third edition of the book—launched in Windhoek—profiles these remarkable changemakers whose stories remind us that peace grows stronger when women lead.
As we mark 25 years of progress, the UN reaffirms its commitment to advancing the Women, Peace and Security agenda. The promise of Resolution 1325 remains as urgent today as it was in the year 2000: to ensure that women are not just protected from conflict but are also empowered to prevent and resolve it.
Namibia’s journey stands as an inspiration to Africa and the world. Its legacy reminds us that the spirit of 1325 lives not in resolutions alone, but in the actions of nations that choose to make peace inclusive and enduring. It lives in every woman who chooses dialogue over division and leadership over silence.
As we look to the next 25 years, may every nation follow Namibia’s example—proving once again that when women lead, peace endures.
Elizabeth Eilor is Senior Gender Advisor, United Nations Office to the African Union (UNOAU) in Addis Ababa.
Source: Africa Renewal, United Nations
IPS UN Bureau