The Human Consciousness Now...Our World in the Midst of Becoming...to What? Observe, contemplate Now.
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 3 2025 (IPS) - Since the wake of the Sudanese Civil War in 2023, Sudan has faced a dire humanitarian crisis that has been marked by extreme violence, widespread civilian displacement, and an overwhelming lack of basic services in relation to the massive scale of needs. The latest reports from a host of United Nations (UN) organizations shed light on the rapid deterioration of living conditions for Sudanese internally displaced persons (IDPs) and refugees.
In March, the Danish Refugee Council (DRC) issued its Global Displacement Forecast Report, which detailed the projected trends in civilian movement for the remainder of the year. Sudan, which has been described as the world’s most dire displacement crisis, accounts for nearly one-third of new global displacements this year. It is estimated that by the end of 2026, an additional 2.1 million Sudanese civilians will be internally displaced.
According to the latest Displacement Tracking Matrix (DTM) report from the International Organization for Migration (IOM), as of May 28, over 10 million civilians are currently internally displaced across all 18 states in Sudan. Roughly 7.7 million have been displaced since the wake of hostilities in April 2023 and have never returned home.
Additionally, IOM estimates that from June 26-29, approximately 3,260 households were displaced across several counties in the Bara locality of North Kordofan as a result of heightened violence. Over half of the displaced civilians reported were children under the age of 18-years old.
On June 29, the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) released a situation report detailing the escalation of hostilities recorded in May. Renewed clashes between warring parties were reported in the West Kordofan, South Kordofan, Khartoum, and North Darfur states, spurring nearly 100,000 new internal displacement cases. West Kordofan was hit the hardest as brutal clashes in the areas surrounding the An Nuhud and Al Khiwai towns drove roughly 60,415 people away from their homes.
According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), since April 2023, over 4 million Sudanese civilians have been forcefully displaced to neighbouring countries, with Egypt and Chad housing the largest numbers of refugees. In early April this year, UNHCR recorded numerous armed attacks on displacement camps in North Darfur, including the Zamzam and Abu Shouk shelters, which further spurred mass movements to Chad.
Doctors Without Borders (MSF) states that since April, over 80,000 Sudanese refugees have crossed into Chad, with approximately 68,556 being concentrated in the Wadi Fira and Ennedi Est provinces. As of June, there has been a daily average of 1,400 Sudanese civilians crossing into Chad.
UNICEF reports that despite the new surges of heightened insecurity, May saw an overall reduction in displacement, with roughly 1.1 million civilians returning to their sites of origin, most being recorded in Al Jazira. However, the vast majority of these individuals still struggle with risks of violence and an overwhelming lack of essential resources, such as food, shelter, healthcare, and water and hygiene (WASH) services.
UNHCR interviewed roughly 6,810 of the refugees in Chad. They found that nearly 60 percent of them had been separated from their families, and 72 percent reported experiencing severe human rights violations, including physical and/or sexual violence, arbitrary detention, and forced recruitment.
Additionally, Sudanese refugees and IDPs alike face heightened risks of food insecurity. According to UNICEF, over 17,766 children in Sudan were diagnosed with severe acute malnutrition. In Uganda, the World Food Programme (WFP) estimates that Sudanese refugees are relying on 500 calories per day, only roughly a quarter of the daily needs per person. In Chad, nutritional support has been stretched to its limits and food rations are to be significantly reduced in the coming months unless additional funding is secured soon.
“This is a full-blown regional crisis that’s playing out in countries that already have extreme levels of food insecurity and high levels of conflict,” said Shaun Hughes, WFP’s Emergency Coordinator for the Sudan Regional Crisis. “Millions of people who have fled Sudan depend wholly on support from WFP, but without additional funding we will be forced to make further cuts to food assistance. This will leave vulnerable families, and particularly children, at increasingly severe risk of hunger and malnutrition.”
Due to limited access to WASH services and healthcare for the majority of Sudanese IDPs, there have been 23,000 new cases of cholera declared this year. With cumulative cases exceeding 73,000, UNICEF warns that the health situation in Sudan is projected to deteriorate significantly as the upcoming rainy season approaches.
According to UNHCR, of the Sudanese refugees in neighbouring countries, children bear the brunt of the crisis. It is estimated that 66 percent of refugee children lack access to educational services and roughly 30 percent have sustained serious injuries.
“(My son’s) hand got ripped off by a shrapnel bomb, some got stuck in his right eye. He arrived at the MSF clinic in (Chad’s) Tine camp several weeks ago. Each time, doctors and nurses struggled to even access the wound as the child was traumatized and in immense pain,” said the mother of Mahanat, an eleven-year-old Sudanese refugee who fled to Chad after an April attack on the Zamzam camp in Sudan, in an interview with MSF.
UNHCR states that only 14 percent of humanitarian needs for Sudanese refugees have been met, leaving thousands particularly vulnerable to extreme weather events, adverse health conditions, and violence. It is estimated that the average Sudanese refugee receives roughly 5 liters of water per day, which is about 4 times less than the global average per person.
“Again, we ask donors, the UN, and humanitarian organizations to start providing or scaling up support in terms of food, shelter, sanitation, and medical care, including mental health services,” said Claire San Filippo, MSF’s emergency coordinator for Sudan. “The current response is grossly insufficient.”
IPS UN Bureau Report
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 3 2025 (IPS) - The UN has been criticized by some member states for overstepping the mandate of its Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine during a debate in the General Assembly.
United Nations member states held another General Assembly meeting to discuss the 20-year-old doctrine Responsibility to Protect, where many powerful members spoke out against the political contract.
On Tuesday, July 1, the General Assembly invited United Nations member states to resume discussion about Responsibility to Protect (R2P), the doctrine meant to prevent crimes against humanity. Previously, many member states spoke in support of the doctrine, calling for countries to reaffirm their commitment to protecting civilians and to respect the rulings of international law. Although some states speaking shared this sentiment, other powerful representatives advocated emphatically against R2P, criticizing its inefficacy and calling for its removal.
The Representative from the Russian Federation was a particularly strong critic of R2P, calling it “an instrument used repeatedly by the collective West to interfere in the internal affairs of states to replace humanitarian intervention.” Russia particularly noted the first use of R2P in 2011 during Libya’s civil war, condemning the West’s “warped interpretation” of the provisions in R2P.
This criticism is not uncommon: experts have argued for years that the UN overstepped its mandate outlined in R2P by authorizing military intervention.
In line with R2P, the Security Council 1973 authorized the protection of civilians “by necessary measures.” This broad statement gave NATO powers the freedom to enter the conflict territory with troops. Russia was among five abstentions for Resolution 1973, alongside China, a fellow permanent member, Brazil, Germany and India.
Calling the UN and NATO’s actions in Libya an “act of aggression against a sovereign state,” Russia went on to criticize the International Criminal Court (ICC), what it called “an instrument of the collective West.” Accusing the ICC of destroying a “once-prosperous Arab country,” Russia condemned R2P, humanitarian intervention and the ICC as neocolonial tools to maintain Western dominance globally.
The Representative from the United States of America also criticized R2P, but for very different reasons. Calling it a dangerous concept that “opens the door to selective, politicized action under the guise of humanitarian concern,” the US called the doctrine “destabilizing” to “the very international order it claims to uphold.”
Noting that intervention in conflict often is not in a state’s individual interest, the US claimed the vague concepts of collective responsibility in the document were not effective in addressing all atrocities. Using examples of China’s treatment of the Uyghur population, the military regime in Myanmar and the current conflict in Sudan, the US said, “Some Member States must do much more to address the risks that lead to atrocities and to put an end to senseless conflicts.”
This comes at a time when UN human rights experts have criticized “the United States’ escalating attacks on the international architecture of human rights, the rule of law, multilateralism, the principles of sovereign equality and self-determination, and vital international agreements on peace and security, climate change, global justice, and international cooperation.” Many states fear America’s growing isolationist practices, while others like Russia worry that they, like other Western states, are too involved in the sovereignty of other states.
The representative reiterated, “The United States will always act in accordance with our national interest and will not subordinate our sovereignty to shifting international norms, and we encourage others to do the same.” Naming R2P as a political commitment rather than a legally binding one, he suggested that each individual state protect its own populations from genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity as the doctrine lays out.
Such influential member states, both of which are permanent members of the Security Council, undoubtedly have significant sway in the UN. However, several smaller states maintained support for R2P while outlining ways it could be improved.
The Representative from Ghana called R2P’s issue a “crisis of confidence” in implementation, arguing that its failures must be addressed by a reiteration of political commitment and a refusal to look away when the truth is inconvenient. Ghana emphasized a responsibility to remember the doctrine’s failures, including Libya, while moving forward to improve it as a more effective tool. He said, “when we preserve the truth of past atrocities, honor the memory of victims and confront denial, we are strengthening the foundations on which R2P stands.”
The future of R2P is unclear. Whether states will join the calls of larger states like the US and Russia, calling for the doctrine’s end, or whether they will, as Ghana said, reaffirm shared humanity with the principle, the decision will undoubtedly affect the normative culture of multilateral action in the face of humanitarian crises.
IPS UN Bureau Report
BULAWAYO, Zimbabwe, Jul 3 2025 (IPS) - A new report has raised concerns about the exclusion of African fish workers from trade protocols between their governments and developed countries, resulting in impoverished communities relying on fishing.
This comes as the impact of Africa’s trade protocols with blocs such as the European Union and the United States is being examined regarding how they are affecting local small-scale fisheries.
Millions of people rely on fisheries in Africa, where the sector provides jobs and nutrition, but there are increasing complaints among fishermen who lack organized representation and researchers who say fishermen have been pushed out of business by rich foreign companies.
In a recent update titled From promises to perils: Small-scale fisheries overlooked in the EU-Gabon, the Coalition for Fair Fisheries Arrangements uses the small African nation as an example of how the continent’s fishermen are getting the short end of the stick despite being at the front line of the lucrative sector.
The coalition looks at how Sustainable Fisheries Partnership Agreements (SFPA) have failed small-scale fishing communities as they “have almost not been involved in these decision-making processes.”
“As Gabon and the European Union (EU) now consider renewing the tuna SFPA, local fisheries remain largely excluded from negotiations and see few benefits from the agreement,” said Beatrice Gorez, coordinator for the Coalition for Fair Fisheries Arrangements.
According to the Coalition for Fair Fisheries Arrangements, Gabon entered into a trade agreement with the European Union in 2021 and granted European fishing boats the right to harvest tuna within Gabonese waters.
More than 32,000 tons of tuna are hauled from Gabonese waters annually, making the African country the European Union’s second-largest tuna fishing partner.
However, despite these huge numbers, the Coalition for Fair Fisheries Arrangements says with the trade protocol set to be reviewed next year, little protection has been put in place for local fishermen.
“The EU reiterated the crucial role of small-scale fisheries for Gabon’s economy and food security. Yet with the current protocol set to expire in 2026, the visits appeared more focused on “identifying future actions to maximize the impact of the protocol,” Gorez said.
The European Union sets aside €2.6 million annually in exchange for access to Gabon’s fisheries, and the funds go towards management of fisheries, combating illegal fishing and the protection of “fragile ecosystems contributing to the good health of stocks and the management of marine protected areas.”
Local fishermen say despite these assurances, local communities have been excluded from the negotiations.
This is confirmed by the Gabonese Federation of Small-Scale Fisheries Actors (FEGAPA), founded in 2023 and now comprising around 20 cooperatives of fishers, fishmongers, and processors. “The fishers were never consulted about the fishing agreement,” said Jean de Dieu Mapaga, President of Gabon’s Federation of Small-Scale Fisheries Actors (FEGAPA).
“It is true that we hear talk of government projects to develop certain fishing centers, but no one has ever explained that these investments are linked to sectoral support funding for small-scale fisheries under the EU-Gabon SFPA,” Mapaga says in the Coalition for Fair Fisheries Arrangements report.
Gabon is not the only African country that faces such challenges in the fisheries sector, where international fishing companies have a huge presence and small fishing communities have to compete for catches.
“This pattern is not unique to Gabon. In countries like Liberia, so-called “experimental” fishing has similarly served as a backdoor for accessing high-value resources for which a surplus had not yet been established, Gorez noted.
“Sectoral support from the Sustainable Fisheries Partnership Agreements must not remain theoretical; it must contribute concretely and transparently to these national efforts—something that, to date, has not been the case,” said Gorez.
The United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) says African countries face pressing challenges in the blue economy, including declining fish catches and falling income levels for local fishermen due to overfishing.
“Africa’s blue economy holds untapped economic potential,” Claver Gatete, UNECA executive secretary, told the Africa Regional Forum On Sustainable Development held in Uganda in April this year.
“However, marine degradation, weak governance and underinvestment threaten its sustainability,” Gatete added.
These sentiments highlight the concerns raised by small fishing communities who are demanding a place at the negotiating table between their governments and blocs such as the European Union and the US.
“The Central African region has a historically uncompetitive marine and river transport system, with inadequate infrastructure and sectoral strategies,” UNECA says in a March update that seeks to unlock “the vast potential of blue resources.”
The Food and Agriculture Organization says while global fisheries have surged, Africa’s potential remains untapped.
“Targeted policies, technology transfer, capacity building and responsible investment are crucial to boost sustainable aquaculture where it is most needed, especially in Africa,” FAO noted in a 2024 report on the state of global fisheries.
The World Bank estimates that the fisheries and aquaculture sectors contribute USD24 billion to the African economy while providing employment to over 12 million people.
The Coalition for Fair Fisheries Arrangements says for communities to derive a dividend from the sector, consultations must be inclusive, and this will also go a long way towards addressing illegal fishing.
“Exclusion from decision-making has led to a lack of understanding of local realities,” said Gomez.
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 3 2025 (IPS) - “Myanmar cannot become a forgotten crisis,” Jorge Moreira da Silva, Executive Director of the United Nations Office for Project Services (UNOPS), has said. “This country has faced cyclones, war, conflict, violence, climate and now immense suffering.”
Three months after a 7.7 magnitude earthquake struck Myanmar, humanitarian groups warn that the international community is failing to respond. Despite the scale of need, only 36 percent of the USD 275 million requested for the earthquake response has been disbursed. Almost halfway through the year, the 2025 Humanitarian Needs and Response Plan (HNRP), which guides aid efforts throughout the country, is just 12 percent funded.
Da Silva was speaking at a press briefing on June 24 following his visit to Myanmar. His views reflect those of others involved in bringing humanitarian aid to the country.
“The dangerously low funding for response efforts in Myanmar remains our greatest challenge,” former UN Humanitarian Coordinator Marcoluigi Corsi said in his June 20 outgoing statement.
The ongoing armed conflict and political turmoil following the 2021 military coup are also making humanitarian assistance more difficult to achieve.
UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk reported in a June 27 briefing to the Human Rights Council that the military’s attacks rose again, despite initial ceasefire announcements after the earthquake.
Since the earthquake, the military has launched more than 600 attacks, 94 percent of which were in areas where a ceasefire had been announced. Over 500 civilians were killed, and 1000 were injured. Türk said that attacks have restricted humanitarian access. WHO reports that 6 attacks have led to 48 health workers killed and 85 injured. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has urged that groups in these areas respect international humanitarian law.
“Every day, we face barriers that prevent or delay assistance from reaching those who need it most,” former UN Humanitarian Coordinator Marcoluigi Corsi said in his outgoing statement on June 20. “I call on all parties to ensure unrestricted humanitarian access—without conditions, without delays.”
The March 28 earthquake killed 3,800 people and injured more than 5,000, according to UN estimates. Tens of thousands were newly displaced, adding to the 3.2 million displaced since the coup. The UN now estimates that 3.5 million people, 6 percent of the population, are displaced, and more than 6 million are in need of urgent assistance.
The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) Myanmar office estimates that 19.9 million people were in need of humanitarian assistance before the earthquake, and now 2 million more are.
“Myanmar is one of the countries most in need of humanitarian assistance in the Asia-Pacific region,” the ICRC reports.
So far, 61 percent of the target population in need of humanitarian health services have been reached, according to the World Health Organization (WHO). With the monsoon season underway and active fighting restricting humanitarian access, organizations are warning about the urgency of the situation.
“We have faced many crises, including armed conflict and flooding, and now we have again been hit by the earthquake,” Daw Khin Po, who was displaced by the earthquake, told the ICRC.
The ICRC has been working with the Myanmar Red Cross Society (MRCS) and local partners to assist over 111,000 people in Mandalay, Sagaing, Bago and Shan State. They have provided clean water, food, tarpaulins, solar streetlights, essential household items, cash and emergency health care, as well as training, agricultural and livestock materials, support for small businesses and risk awareness training. These organizations have also been supporting existing hospitals and community health centers.
“However, the scale of needs is beyond what any single organization can address,” the ICRC reported.
OCHA is currently working to respond to Myanmar’s humanitarian crisis through “coordination, advocacy, policy, information management and humanitarian financing tools and services.”
“Amid these shocks, the security environment continues to deteriorate, people are facing grave protection threats, and coping capacities are stretched to the limit,” the OCHA Myanmar office wrote.
Humanitarian partners assisted around 1.5 million people between January and March 2025, which is 27 percent of the annual target, according to the OCHA Myanmar office. These efforts have targeted internally displaced persons (IDPs), returnees, resettled and locally integrated IDPs, and non-displaced stateless people. The office said that local organizations are the “backbone” of the response to the humanitarian situation, especially in areas of conflict.
Without funding, though, Corsi said more people will be at risk as organizations are unable to provide necessary support.
“The world cannot look away. The international community must step up their support,” the ICRC’s head of delegation in Yangon, Arnaud de Baecque, said.
The monsoon season creates further threats to the population, who risk disease, flooding and displacement, and adds more urgency to the situation. WHO is currently working to improve access to clean and potable water, provide health services and prevent disease outbreaks. They are collaborating with the Red Cross, the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), and the World Food Programme (WFP) to improve water safety systems and disseminate health information.
But WHO reports that people living in makeshift structures due to the earthquake are subject to extreme health risks.
Türk emphasized that the situation in Myanmar must receive continuous attention.
“Amid the turmoil, planning for a future with human rights front and center offers people a sense of hope,” he said. “We owe it to the people of Myanmar to make that hope a reality.”
IPS UN Bureau Report
GENEVA, Jul 3 2025 (IPS) - Recent proposals to relocate UN operations to lower-cost duty stations ignore demonstrable economic patterns. Empirical evidence suggests that establishing UN hubs often triggers localized inflation, negating projected savings.
Case Study: UN Presence in Nairobi
While city-wide inflation is driven by national policies, population growth, infrastructure deficits and global shocks, the UN significantly increased rents and land prices in affluent Nairobi neighborhoods, creating enclaves of hyper-inflation for premium goods and services.
While most Nairobians struggle with costs tied to local realities, elites near UN hubs face Paris-level prices. UN operations inherently stimulate demand for premium housing, security, and bilingual services. Projected savings rarely materialize once market adjustments occur.
The Liquidity Crisis: Self-Inflicted and Avoidable
The Secretary-General’s 2023 definitive shift from biennial to annual budgets—contrary to historical practice—exacerbated cash-flow vulnerabilities.
This restructuring ignored the U.S. payment pattern (80% of contributions arrive in Q4), transforming manageable delays into systemic crises.
Result:
– Premature austerity measures (20% staff cuts) targeting high-experience personnel.
– Erosion of institutional capacity in critical areas (peacekeeping, humanitarian law).
Underutilized Charter Provisions: Article 6 and Article 19
The UN Charter provides robust tools to address fiscal noncompliance and political obstruction:
1. Article 19 (Voting Suspension):
Permits revocation of voting rights for members exceeding two years of arrears. This was applied 13 times (e.g., Libya 2021). Yet chronic non- or late-payers (notably the U.S., owing $1.3B) face no enforcement. (Article 19 A Member of the United Nations which is in arrears in the payment of its financial contributions to the Organization shall have no vote in the General Assembly if the amount of its arrears equals or exceeds the amount of the contributions due from it for the preceding two full years. (…))
2. Article 6 (Expulsion):
Allows expulsion of states “persistently violating” Charter principles. Historically unused despite patterns of withholding funds to exert political pressure. (Article 6 A Member of the United Nations which has persistently violated the principles contained in the present Charter may be expelled from the Organization by the General Assembly upon the recommendation of the Security Council).
Alternative Reform Pathways
Rather than relocating staff or dismantling entities, the UN could:
A. Leverage Geopolitical Counterweights
– Relocate HQ functions to Geneva as a deterrent against contribution withholding.
– Impact: New York stands to lose $3.3B/year in economic activity when the US assessed contribution amounts to only $1.3B/year.
B. Enforce Financial Accountability
– Convert arrears into sovereign debt under international law.
– Suspend veto rights for chronic non-payers (per Article 19).
C. Preserve Institutional Integrity
– Revert to biennial budgets to accommodate payment cycles and patterns.
– Include staff unions in reform design (e.g., UN80 Task Force).
The UN80 Paradox: Efficiency vs. Institutional Amnesia
Accelerated consolidation without stakeholder consultation risks:
– Operational Fragility: Loss of specialized expertise (e.g., conflict mediation, logistics).
– Legacy Erosion: Undermining 80 years of norms (human rights, humanitarian law).
Conclusion: A Call for Charter-Compliant Solutions
The UN’s viability hinges on using its existing legal tools—not on self-imposed austerity.
Member states (particularly G77+China and BRICS) could:
1. Demand enforcement of Article 19 against non-paying states.
2. Propose a GA Resolution 80/… (invoking Article 6) for states obstructing multilateralism.
3. Commission an independent audit of relocation cost assumptions.
The path to reform lies not in fragmenting the UN’s foundations, but in reclaiming the courage of its Charter.
IPS UN Bureau
Excerpt:
Naïma Abdellaoui is a Concerned International Civil Servant and Staff Representative Member of the Executive Bureau of UNOG Staff Union
CARACAS, Jul 2 2025 (IPS) - Having hydroelectric power without damming rivers, dismantling the environment or displacing populations is possible in Latin America and the Caribbean, with reversible power plants that take advantage of their mountainous geography, and pave the way for only renewable sources to generate electricity.
“The development of these plants requires areas with a difference in altitude, for two reservoirs, one upper and one lower. And the region has hundreds of possible sites for pumped storage,” said Arturo Alarcón, a senior specialist at the Energy Division of the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB)."These plants requires areas with a difference in height, for two reservoirs, one upper and one lower. And the region has hundreds of possible sites for pumped storage. A recent IDB study identified 179 sites in 11 countries": Arturo Alarcón.
In countries crisscrossed by mountain ranges, in Brazil and even in the insular Caribbean, there are plenty of areas that could host these hydroelectric dams, says the Bolivian expert. “A recent IDB study identified 179 sites in 11 countries,” he told IPS from Washington.
Traditional hydropower plants dam the waters of a river, creating an artificial lake that provides water to drive turbines in an engine room that generates electricity. This is taken by transformers and transmission lines to consumption centres, and then the water is dumped and the river flows on to the sea.
In contrast, pumped-storage plants are fed with water from a reservoir at a certain height, which supplies the water, usually through a tunnel or canal, does the work in the engine room and deposits the water in a reservoir located at a lower altitude.
When the process is finished – after the hours of electricity generation due to increased demand, required from other sources – the water is pumped back from the lower to the upper reservoir, where it is available to start a new cycle.
These are power plants that can complement solar or wind energy parks, which are fed by solar radiation or wind power, thus subject to hourly and seasonal variations that require energy to be stored in batteries.
Diagram of the operation of a pumped hydro power plant. When the demand for electricity grows, the flow of water from the upper reservoir activates the turbines and, when its contribution to the system is no longer needed, the flow is reversed by pumping from the lower reservoir, leaving the whole as a water battery. Credit: Iberdrola
Supplementary batteries
For this reason, pumped-storage power plants are also called “water batteries”.
By reducing the need for fossil-fuelled thermal power plants, they become tools for decarbonising the entire electricity system.
“Although these plants do not generate more energy than they consume in the pumping process (for every megawatt hour generated, approximately 1.2 MWh is consumed), they do play a critical role in the integration of variable renewable energies such as solar and wind,” says Alarcón.
For example, in Brazil, where about 90% electricity is generated from renewable sources, wind and solar installations are growing, “which depend on weather conditions and there is no constant production throughout the day,” expert Caio Leocádio told IPS from Rio de Janeiro.
“This condition creates a favourable scenario for technologies that meet these requirements, with flexibility and storage capacity, allowing energy to be stored in times of surplus and used in times of greater demand,” says Leocádio, a consultant with the Brazilian Energy Research Company (EPE).
It is not a new technology. Around the world, some 200 gigawatts (one Gw equals 1000 Mw) have been installed in 510 pumped-storage power plants, equivalent to the entire hydroelectric capacity of Latin America.
In the region, the Rio Grande Hydroelectric Complex in the central Argentine province of Cordoba, with its Cerro Pelado and Arroyo Corte reservoirs, 12 kilometres apart, has been in operation since 1986 and has an installed capacity of 750 MWh, which is currently reduced due to equipment obsolescence.
The engine room of the Río Grande Complex, a reversible power plant in the province of Córdoba in north-central Argentina. Credit: Epec
Favorable cost
So far, the level of development of pumped hydroelectricity shows that costs are competitive, although the economic performance of each facility and in each country depends on the type of electricity market.
For example, if it is an electricity market that has hourly energy prices, or that values the ancillary services that reversible plants can provide, such as maintaining a constant voltage despite fluctuations, a good economic performance can be achieved.
In terms of prices, the region has very disparate tariffs. Residential rates in some Caribbean islands exceed 40 US cents per kWh, in Guatemala 29, in Honduras and Uruguay 25, in Colombia 20, in Brazil and Costa Rica 16, in Mexico 10 and in Venezuela six cents, according to the Global Petrol Prices website.
“The installation cost of reversible power plants can be high due to infrastructure and technical needs, but operating and maintenance costs are relatively low once they are up and running,” Alarcón noted.
Nightlife on the famous Copacabana beach in the Brazilian city of Rio de Janeiro. The growing demand for energy and the need to maintain a stable supply with electricity generated from renewable sources opens up opportunities for pumped-storage power plants. Credit: Inoutviajes
In Brazil, “projects of this type really require high initial investments, mainly in civil works and equipment,” Leocádio said. “Values are estimates between US$1,200 and 1,600 per kilowatt (kWh) installed, within the range of medium to large projects in the sector,” he added.
In the Dominican Republic, which is considering installing pumped-storage plants in the areas of Sabaneta (northwest) and Guaigui (centre), of 200 and 300 MWh respectively, installation costs are estimated at between US$1900 and 2400 per kilowatt.
But, on the other hand, experts agree that the projects have a useful life of 50 years or more, and although the return on investment requires a long term, these plants offer a stable and predictable performance.
This is the advantage Leocádio sees in Brazil, with its highly interconnected electricity system and wealth of sites for potential installation. A recent study found that in the state of Rio de Janeiro alone (43 750 square kilometres) there are 15 locations with ideal conditions for such plants.
Brazil’s gigantic Belo Monte dam on the Xingu River has altered watercourses, displaced populations, disrupted indigenous communities, agriculture and other livelihoods, increased deforestation and loss of biodiversity. Pumped-storage power plants can avoid many of these impacts. Credit: Bruno Batista / Vice-Presidency Brazil
Regulation and environment
For Alarcón, “the biggest challenge for this technology in Latin America and the Caribbean is regulatory. Not all electricity markets have adequate remuneration mechanisms for storage technologies or those that provide flexibility to electricity systems,” he said.
Therefore, among the tasks to be addressed in the region, along with investigating the specific areas that have the greatest potential for water batteries, Alarcón identified dialogue between governments and private actors, plus conferences and regional forums “to create a regulatory framework that facilitates these projects”.
That possibility – and also the contrasts – are shown by recent cases in Chile. The Espejo de Tarapacá project, for a 300 MWh reversible power plant that plans to work with seawater, has advanced, but another, Paposo, in the north, was rejected by the Environmental Evaluation Service.
Advocates of pumped-storage power plants point out that their construction and operation require minimal alteration of the environment, as they do not require the diversion or damming of rivers, flooding of towns or farmland, or affecting the areas of indigenous peoples and peasant communities.
Since they do not alter large areas, they do not affect biodiversity, and in some cases can be sources of water for irrigation and sites that beautify or refresh landscapes.
But the central issue is their contribution to the stability of electricity systems and to the decarbonisation required by the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which propose to increase the use of renewable energies along with access to electricity for all peoples.
By February 2025, according to the most recent report by the Latin American Energy Organisation (OLADE), total electricity generation in the region will reach 152 terawatts (Twh, one million megawatts), with 68.1% from renewable sources and 31.9% using oil, gas, coal or nuclear energy.
The largest source of renewable energy is hydroelectric (53.1% of the total), followed by wind (8.5%), solar (4.5%), bioenergy (1.5%) and geothermal energy (0.5%).
BRUSSELS, Belgium / MONTEVIDEO, Uruguay, Jul 2 2025 (IPS) - When tanks rolled through Myanmar’s streets in 2021, civil society groups worldwide sounded the alarm. When Viktor Orbán systematically dismantled Hungary’s free press, democracy activists demanded international action. And as authoritarianism returns to Tanzania ahead of elections, it’s once again civil society calling for democratic freedoms to be respected.
Around the world, authoritarian populists have learned to maintain democratic language and rituals while gutting democracy’s substance. They hold fraudulent elections with no real opposition and crack down on civil society when it tries to uphold democratic freedoms. As a result, more than 70 per cent of the world’s population lives in countries where civic space is routinely repressed.
In response, over 175 civil society organisations and 500 activists have united behind a demand to help improve respect for democratic freedoms, calling on the UN to establish a Special Rapporteur on Democracy.
The proposal isn’t coming from diplomatic corridors or academia; it’s a grassroots call from the frontlines of a global democratic struggle. Democracy defenders who face harassment, imprisonment and violence have identified a gap in international oversight that emboldens authoritarians and lets down those fighting for democratic rights when they most need support.
Critical blind spots
While the UN investigates everything from torture to toxic waste through specialised rapporteurs, democracy – supposedly a core UN principle – receives no systematic international oversight. This is a blind spot civil society wants to change.
Today’s threats to democracy are often more subtle than outright coups and blatant election rigging. Repressive leaders have mastered the art of legal authoritarianism, using constitutional amendments to extend term limits, judicial re-engineering to capture courts and media laws to silence critics, all while maintaining a facade of democratic governance.
In countries from Belarus to Venezuela, elections have been turned into elaborate ceremonies emptied of competition. Even established democracies face growing challenges, with foreign influence and disinformation campaigns documented across dozens of recent elections, often amplified by AI that creates deepfakes faster than fact-checkers can debunk them.
The rise of right-wing populism across Europe and in the USA shows how easily democratic processes can elevate leaders who systematically undermine democratic institutions from within, weaponising the law to concentrate executive authority, criminalise opposition and restrict civic space.
These evolving threats expose fundamental gaps in how the international community monitors and responds to democratic regression. The proposed UN Special Rapporteur on Democracy would help fill this gap: unlike current mandates that focus on specific rights, this role would examine how democratic systems function as a whole.
Existing UN Special Rapporteurs have recognised the urgent need for dedicated democracy oversight, with the Special Rapporteurs on freedom of peaceful assembly and of association, freedom of opinion and expression, and the independence of judges and lawyers highlighting how democratic backsliding undermines the rights they’re mandated to protect.
A democracy rapporteur could investigate the full spectrum of threats that escape international attention: how electoral systems become compromised through legal manipulation, how parliamentary oversight gets systematically weakened while maintaining constitutional appearances, how judicial independence is eroded through seemingly legitimate reforms, and how meaningful participation beyond elections gets stifled through bureaucratic restrictions.
Crucially, the mandate could document not just obvious authoritarian crackdowns but the subtler forms of democratic erosion that often escape international notice until democratic institutions are compromised, offering early warnings about gradual processes that transform vibrant democracies into hollow shells.
Legal foundations
The proposal builds on solid legal foundations. Article 21 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights establishes that ‘public authority must derive from the will of the people’, while article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights recognises every citizen’s right to participate in public affairs and vote in free, fair and clean periodic elections.
Regional mechanisms provide valuable precedents. The Inter-American Democratic Charter explicitly states that ‘the peoples of the Americas have a right to democracy and their governments have an obligation to promote and defend it’. Building on this, Guatemala has recently requested an advisory opinion to clarify whether democracy constitutes a fundamental human right and what tangible obligations this imposes on states.
These foundations provide an actionable definition of democracy that respects diverse democratic models while upholding universal principles, sidestepping cultural relativist arguments that some authoritarian governments use to avoid accountability.
Momentum building
The proposal has generated remarkable momentum. On the 75th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, a broad coalition of civil society groups and think tanks published a joint statement calling for the appointment of a UN Special Rapporteur on Democracy.
Civil society leadership reflects widespread frustration among democracy activists who work under increasingly dangerous conditions and demand better institutional responses. Budget-conscious states should find this proposal attractive given the remarkable cost-effectiveness of the UN mandates system. Following standard UN practice, the new position would be unpaid, relying on voluntary funding from supportive states.
During its recent 58th session, the UN Human Rights Council adopted a resolution on human rights, democracy and the rule of law, conferring multilateral legitimacy on governments that want to support stronger democracy oversight. The window for action is open, but it won’t stay open indefinitely.
A test for international institutions
No single initiative will reverse global democratic decline. But this new role would enable systematic documentation, trend spotting and the sustained international attention democracy defenders desperately need. The rapporteur could investigate not just obvious authoritarian crackdowns but early signs of subtler democratic erosion, while highlighting innovations and good practices that others could adapt.
The debate over a UN Special Rapporteur on Democracy offers a test of whether international institutions can adapt to contemporary challenges or will remain trapped in outdated approaches while democracy crumbles. Creating this mandate would communicate that the international community takes democratic governance seriously enough to monitor it systematically – a signal that matters to democracy activists who need international support and serves as a warning to authoritarian leaders who thrive when nobody is watching.
With hundreds of civil society groups leading this charge from the frontlines of democratic struggle, the question isn’t whether this oversight is needed, but whether the UN will act before it’s too late.
Samuel King is a researcher with the Horizon Europe-funded research project ENSURED: Shaping Cooperation for a World in Transition at CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation, and Inés M. Pousadela is CIVICUS Senior Research Specialist, writer at CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report.
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